Contents

No. XXIV.

THE

AMERICAN

BIBLICAL REPOSITORY.

JULY, 1844.

SECOND SERIES NO. XXIII. WHOLE NO. LV.

ARTICLE I.

WRITINGS OF MARTIN LUther.

By C. E. STOWE, D. D., Professor of Biblical Literature, Lane Seminary, Cincinnati.

WE have already given a brief review of the writings of Luther during the first three years of the Reformation, from 1517 to 1520. We now propose to pass by entirely that period of most thrilling interest, the Diet at Worms, and the events and writings connected with it; because this part of the reformer's career is so fully delineated by d'Aubigné in his popular and useful work, that it would seem superfluous for us at this time to go over the same ground. We prefer to pass on to a period that has not yet been reached by the Genevan historian. The materials are so ample that there is no occasion for repeating what d'Aubigné has already written so well; and without further remark we proceed to the Augsburg Confession, and the events and writings connected with it. This was the earliest of the Protestant formulas of faith, and indeed the first doctrinal symbol (except the so-called Athanasian creed) that obtained any considerable circulation and influence subsequent to the celebrated Nicæno-Constantinopolitan creed, which was published in the year 381.

HISTORY OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.

In May, 1525, Frederick the Wise, elector of Saxony, died, and was succeeded by his brother John. The death of Frederick was a great loss to the cause of the Reformation, and contributed much to embolden its enemies. The elector of Saxony and the young landgrave of Hesse were the only princes of much political consideration, who had till then espoused the interests of Luther; and their dominions were in the vicinity of violent and embittered enemies, particularly duke George of Saxony and the elector Joachim of Brandenburg. The latter had urged with great vehemence, during the diet at Worms, that the imperial word ought to be broken, and Luther put to death there; and he actually drew his sword on the elector palatine Lewis for opposing this perfidious counsel. Subsequently, Elizabeth, the wife of Joachim, embraced the doctrines of the Reformation, and so uncontrollable was his rage that he gave orders to have her built up in a wall with brick and mortar, and there left miserably to perish; but she found means to escape, and fled to Wittenberg, where she took refuge in the family of Luther. This violent and cruel papist entered into a league with George duke of Saxony, Henry duke of Brunswick, and Albert electoral archbishop of Mainz, to assault by surprise the elector of Saxony, and the landgrave of Hesse, and divide their dominions among themselves, unless they withdrew from Luther their protection.

The elector and landgrave, on discovering this conspiracy, consulted with Luther whether it would be right for them to take up arms against these princes. He answered most decidedly in the negative, exhorting them to do violence to no man, to stand firmly for the right, and repose unwavering trust in God. His two brief, but eloquent and most Christianlike papers on this occasion are given entire by Von Gerlach, Vol. IX. p. 160-4. This was Luther's uniform course; he never would permit the name of God to be defended by an appeal to arms; but he subsequently addressed letters to duke George and the cardinal Albert, which were sharper than swords, and more piercing than bayonets. These two specimens of masterly and well-merited invective are given by Lomler, Vol. II. p. 213– 33, and 498-503. It would give me great pleasure to present all four of these pieces to the readers of the Repository in a

translation, but the limits of a periodical, necessarily embracing a variety of topics in every number, will not allow it.

The emperor Charles had been obliged at first to be lenient towards Luther, for he greatly needed the aid of the princes who desired reformation, especially the elector of Saxony in the cabinet, and the landgrave of Hesse in the field. His plans of ambition were very extensive; he was surrounded by jealous rivals and enemies; and the Turks were pressing fearfully on the eastern borders of his empire. In 1529 they actually besieged Vienna, made a furious assault upon the city, and were with very great difficulty repelled. The princes favorable to reformation, therefore, though few in number, it was important for him to conciliate. Accordingly, though to satisfy the papists he issued an edict against Luther, and put him to the ban of the empire, immediately after the diet at Worms he withdrew to Spain, and left the edict to execute itself.

The emperor's plans for a while were very successful. At the battle of Pavia he defeated his rival Francis I. of France, took him prisoner, carried him to Madrid, and dictated to him peace on his own terms. The pope, attempting to check the progress of Charles in Italy, the imperial troops, under the constable Bourbon, took the city of Rome by storm, ravaged and pillaged it in the most thoroughgoing manner, shut up the pope and cardinals as prisoners in the castle of St. Angelo, and treated the old men so savagely as to make their situation very uncomfortable. When Charles heard that the pope was a prisoner, he affected the most pious horror at such sacrilege, ordered the public rejoicings for the birth of his son Philip to be suspended, and directed prayers to be offered in all the churches for the immediate release of his holiness and the holy college; seeming to forget that the smallest bit of paper signed with his name would be more effective towards setting the pope at liberty than all the prayers of all the papal priests in Christendom. However, he let the pope be prayed for long enough to make full proof of the efficacy of papal prayers, and then dictated to him such terms of peace as he had to Francis. When Charles saw that every thing was arranged just to his mind, then there came a wonderful answer to the prayers of the faithful, and the pope regained his freedom.

In his arrangements with the pope, Charles on his part agreed to put down the heretics, and exterminate them, if need be, with fire and sword. This he was fully disposed to do, and

so far as human means were concerned, he had abundant power to accomplish it. He was of a very haughty spirit, and could not endure that any body in his dominions should presume to think for themselves without asking his leave. The despotic character and gloomy magnificence of the Romish religion suited well the tenor of his mind; and, moreover, he had made a compromise with conscience, and intended by the strictness of his catholicity to make amends for the total want of moral principle which he manifested in all his political dealings. He was free from degrading vices; he was not intemperate, lewd, or cruel; he had a fine person and a commanding air; he was always very becomingly dressed, and his manners were such as became a mighty prince; and such was the whole impression made by his person, station, and character, that even the vehement Luther always spoke of him with the greatest respect, and manifested toward him a high degree of affection. This respect of Luther Charles fully reciprocated; but as to the affection, he had little capacity of feeling any for any one except himself. With all his magnificence, his soul was cold, dark, and selfish. Never was there a more perfect contrast than was exhibited in the characters of Charles and Luther.

Under these circumstances, when the imperial legislature assembled at Spire in 1529, the papal princes, knowing the determination of the emperor, and having a decided preponderance in numbers, wealth, and military power, assumed a very confident tone, and carried matters with a high hand. Frederick the Wise had been four years dead, and his successor John had neither the tact nor the influence of his elder brother. The reformers were already divided on the sacramental controversy, and a most painful schism was created by the obstinacy of Luther in making his opinion on that point a condition of communion. Had it not been for the clearsightedness, the decision, and the firmness of the landgrave of Hesse at this crisis, it seems as if the hopes of the reformers would have been entirely wrecked.

The diet at Spire by a large majority passed an edict, that the reformed religion should not be extended beyond the places in which it was already established, that, not only should the reformed princes have no power to extend the reformation even in their own territories, but they must allow the papal priests full power to celebrate their worship and make proselytes wherever they chose. When this edict was passed, the minor