not have been tolerated by the law without giving to the United States a ground for complaint, and which, though not so tolerated and furnished with the utmost secrecy, brought the United States and England to the verge of war. It appeared by despatches of the Confederate Government, which were intercepted near the beginning of the year, that it had contracted for six ironclad steamers, combining the capacities of freighting and fighting ships, to be constructed in England, and to be paid for with

cotton.

On the 5th of June, President Davis addressed a letter to the British consul, Moore, at Richmond, revoking his exequatur. The reason given for this was, that Moore "assumed to act as consul for a place other than the city of Richmond, and a State other than the State of Virginia, and was thereupon, on the 20th day of February, 1863, requested by the Secretary of State to submit to the Department of State his consular commission, as well as any other authority he may have received to act in behalf of the Government of her Britannic Majesty before further correspondence could be held with him as her Majesty's consul at the port of Richmon; and whereas the said George Moore has lately, without acceding to said request, entered into correspondence, as her Majesty's consnl, with the Secretary of War of these Confederate States, thereby disregarding the legitimate authority of this Government."

Subsequently, Mr. Fullerton, the British consnl at Savannah, was dismissed, and all the other British consuls. In a letter to Mr. Fullerton, Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, thus explains the ground for the action of the Government:

It thus appears that the Consular Agents of the British Government have been instructed not to confine themselves to an appeal for redress, either to courts of justice or to this Government, whenever they may conceive that grounds exist for complaint against the Confederate authorities in their treatment of British subjects (an appeal which has in no case been made without receiving just consideration), but that they assume the power of determining for themselves whether enlisted soldiers of the Confederacy are properly bound to its service; that they even arrogate the right to interfere directly with the execution of the Confederate laws, and to advise soldiers of the Confederate armies to throw down their arms in the face of the

enemy.

This assumption of jurisdiction by foreign officials within the territory of the Confederacy, and this encroachment on its sovereignty, cannot be tolerated for a moment; and the President has no hesitation in directing that all Consuls and Consular Agents of the British Government be notified that they can no longer be permitted to exercise their functions, or even to reide with the limits of the Confederacy.

It was deemed proper to explain this proceeding to the Emperor of France, and in a letter to Mr. Slidell, October 8th, Mr. Benjamin

63ys:

The exercise of the droit de renvoi is too harsh, however, to be resorted to without justifiable cause, and it is proper that you should have it in your power to explain the grounds on which the President has been compelled to enforce it. Lest also the Govern ment of his Imperial Majesty should be misled into the

error of supposing that the rights of French citizens are in any manner involved in the action of the President, which has been rendered necessary by the repre hensible conduct of the British Consular Agents, you

are requested to take an early occasion for giving such explanation to M. Drouyn de l'Huys as will obviate all risk of misapprehension.

In August, Mr. Mason received instructions to withdraw from England. He had been sent to that country to endeavor to obtain the recognition of the Confederacy by Great Britain, and to act as minister upon such recognition. In the order of recall to him, Mr. Benjamin said:

The President believes that the Government of her

Majesty has determined to decline the overtures made through you for establishing, by treaty, friendly relations between the two Governments, and entertains no intention of receiving you as the accredited minister of this Government near the British court. Under these circumstances, your continued residence in London is neither conducive to the interest, nor consistent with the dignity, of this Government.

He retired to France, but subsequently returned to England as a private citizen. In a letter to Mr. Lamar, commissioner to St. Petersburg, June 15th, Mr. Benjamin says:

It has been suggested to this Government, from a source of unquestionable authenticity, that, after the recognition of our independence by the European Powers, an expectation is generally entertained by them that in our treaties of amity and commerce a clause will be introduced making stipulations against the African slave trade. It is even thought that neutral Powers may be inclined to insist upon the insertion of such a clause as a sine qua non.

He then proceeds to state the principles upon which the Confederacy is organized, and says:

Moreover, any attempt on the part of the treaty-making power of this Government to prohibit the African slave trade, in addition to insuperable objections above suggested, would leave open the implication that the same power has the authority to permit such introduction. No such implication can be sanctioned by us. This Government unequivocally and absolutely denies its possession of any power whatever over the subject, and cannot entertain any proposition in relation to it.

(See PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, MESSAGES TO CONFEDERATE CONGRESS.)

The Proclamation of Emancipation to all persons held as slaves in certain States and Districts, issued by President Lincoln, on January 1st, 1863, caused great excitement in the Southern States. It stated that "the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons; "also, "such persons will be received into the armed service of the United States," &c. Its immediate effect was expected to arise under these clauses. The Confederate Congress took action at once on the subject. It was at first contemplated to make slaves of all free negroes found with arms in their hands; to kill all slaves found armed, and to hand over to the State authorities all their officers, to be dealt with according to the laws of the States relative to persons exciting insurrection. Severe measures were proposed in the Confederate

Congress. These, however, were not adopted, and the subject was referred to the discretion of the President. Whether any extreme measures were inflicted upon these soldiers or their officers during the year, is not officially known. It was finally considered that, under the law of nations, a belligerent could employ against his antagonist any persons whom he could obtain, and, therefore, free negroes captured as Federal soldiers were entitled to be treated as prisoners of war. On the 23d of April an dress to Christians throughout the World" was issued at Richmond, signed by ninety-six clergymen of all denominations. After asserting that "the Union cannot be restored," and that "the Confederate Government is a fixed fact, the address proceeds to say:

66

Ad

The recent Proclamation of the President of the United States, seeking the emancipation of the slaves of the South, is, in our judgment, a suitable occasion for solemn protest on the part of the people of God throughout the world.

The address charges President Lincoln with intending to produce a general insurrection of the slaves, and such an insurrection "would make it absolutely necessary for the public safety that the slaves be slaughtered, and he who would write the history of that event -would record the darkest chapter of human woe yet written." The Proclamation, however, liberated no slaves except such as could come within the lines of the Federal armies. The political aspect of the Proclamation was discussed at some length in the Message to the Confederate Congress in January. (See PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.)

The difficulties which had arisen relative to the exchange of prisoners (see PRISONERS), and the threats of retaliation for some occurrences on each side, which were regarded by the other as unjustifiable acts of cruelty, was made the ostensible occasion for a mission by VicePresident Stephens to Washington. The following correspondence embraces all the details on the subject:

RICHMOND, July 2d, 1863. Hon. A. II. Stephens, Richmond, Va.:

SIR: Having accepted your patriotic offer to proceed as a military commissioner, under flag of truce, to Washington, you will receive herewith your letter of authority to the commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States.

This letter is signed by me, as commander-in-chief of the Confederate land and navy forces.

You will perceive from the terms of the letter that it is so worded as to avoid any political difficulties in its reception. Intended exclusively as one of those communications between belligerents which public law recognizes as necessary and proper between hostile forces, care has been taken to give no pretext for refusing to receive it on the ground that it would involve a tacit recognition of the independence of the Confed

that I am not recognized to be President of the Confederacy. In this event, you will decline any further attempt to confer on the subject of your mission, as such conference is admissible only on the footing of perfect equality.

My recent interviews with you have put you so fully in possession of my views that it is scarcely necessary to give you any detailed instructions, even were I, at this moment, well enough to attempt it.

My whole purpose is, in one word, to place this war on the footing of such as are waged by civilized people in modern times; and to divest it of the savage character which has been impressed on it by our enemies, enough of unavoidable horrors, under all its aspects, in spite of all our efforts and protests. War is full to justify, and even to demand of, any Christian rulers who may be unhappily engaged in carrying it on, to seek to restrict its calamities, and to divest it of all unthe cartel for the exchange of prisoners on such a basis necessary severities. You will endeavor to establish as to avoid the constant difficulties and complaints which arise, and to prevent, for the future, what we deem the unfair conduct of our enemies in evading the delivery of the prisoners who fall into their hands; in retarding it by sending them on circuitous routes, and by detaining them, sometimes for months, in camps and in prisons, and in persisting in taking captives noncombatants.

Your attention is also called to the unheard-of con

duct of Federal officers in driving from their homes entire communities of women and children, as well as of men, whom they find in districts occupied by their troops, for no other reason than because these unfor tunates are faithful to the allegiance due to their States and refuse to take an oath of fidelity to their enemies.

The putting to death of unarmed prisoners has been a ground of just complaint in more than one instance, and the recent executions of officers of our army in Kea tucky, for the sole cause that they were engaged in recruiting service in a State which is claimed as still one of the United States, but is also claimed by us one of the Confederate States, must be repressed by retaliation if not unconditionally abandoned, because it would justify the like execution in every other State of the Confed eracy, and the practice is barbarous, uselessly cruel, and can only lead to the slaughter of prisoners on both sides a result too horrible to contemplate without making every effort to avoid it.

On these and all kindred subjects you will consider your authority full and ample to make such arrange ments as will temper the present cruel character of the contest, and full confidence is placed in your judgment, patriotism, and discretion, that while carrying out the objects of your mission, you will take care that the equal rights of the Confederacy be always preserved. Very respectfully, (Signed)

JEFFERSON DAVIS. RICHMOND, 8th July, 182

His Excellency, Jefferson Davis:

SIR: Under the authority and instructions of your letter to me of the 2d instant, I proceeded on the mis sion therein assigned, without delay. The steamer Torpedo, commanded by Lieut. Hunter Davidson, of the navy, was put in readiness as soon as possible, by order of the Secretary of the Navy, and tendered for the service. At noon, on the 3d, she started down James river, hoisting and bearing a flag of truce after passing City Point. The next day (the 4th) at about one o'clock P.M., when within a few miles of Newport News, we were met by a small boat of the enemy, carrying two guns, which also raised a white flag before approaching us. The officer in command informed Lieut. Davidson that he had orders from Admiral Lee, on board the United States flagship Minnesota, lying below, and then in view, not to allow any boat or vessel to pass the point near which he was stationed without his permission. By this officer I sent to Admiral Lee a note stating my objects and wishes, a copy of which is hereto annexed, marked A.

I also sent to the admiral, to be forwarded, another

aspect was presented until the crisis came at once and paralyzed the military strength in the field. The disaster at Gettysburg, the loss of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, the falling back of Gen. Bragg, and the success of Gen. Gillmore at Charleston, demonstrated that the military power in the field was broken. Unless new armies could be created or the reduced ranks refilled, an ultimate failure was certain. The views relative to the capture of Vicksburg were thus expressed:

If it be fated that, in spite of all human valor and devotion can do, Vicksburg and its defenders should become the prey of the enemy, then, indeed, will come the tug of war. Then also will come the political crisis. Whatever of imbecility and faint-heartedness and downright latent toryism and treason exists in the Confederacy will at once receive a new accession of weakness; many will again begin to cry out for an "honorable peace," as they call it, by means of submis

sion.

Thus, Vicksburg is at this moment a point not only of strategic but also of political importance. While our flag flies defiant over the great river, no party of compromise can venture to raise its head; no man will dare to breathe one word of "reconstruction," in whole or in part. All will be good Confederates. The cause which is supposed to be failing and sinking is the one which is likely to be abandoned by the cowards and betrayed by the traitors. To the cause that prospers we are always as true as steel.

In a speech before the Mississippi Legislature President Davis said: "Vicksburg and Port Hudson are the real points of attack. Every effort will be made to capture these places, with the object of forcing the navigation of the Mississippi, of cutting off our communications with the trans-Mississippi Department, and of severing the western from the eastern portion of the Confederacy. Let, then, all who have at heart the safety of the country go without delay to Vicksburg and Port Hudson."

The division of the Confederacy produced by the loss of the Mississippi river, is shown by the following figures of the area on the west and east sides:

sis President Davis ordered a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer to Almighty God to be observed At the same time the North failed to push these advantages vigorously, and the campaigns closed for a time both east and west. The response of the Confederacy to the levy of all between eighteen and forty-five years of age was now watched with great interest. Meanwhile troops were sent from Virginia to Gen. Bragg, in Tennessee, and also from Gen. Meade, on the Federal side, and the result of the operations was another severe blow to the Confederacy in the loss of East Tennessee. Its effect was thus described:

By the falling back of Gen. Bragg to the Georgia line, we lost the use of all the extensive mines and irca works of Tennessee and Northern Georgia, which left us but the almost untried ore fields of Alabama nd North Carolina; the Western Virginia works being lost to us early in the war. Alabama, though rich in minerals of all kinds, had lacked the necessary energy and enterprise to develop its vast wealth. In the se lection of W. R. Hunt to take control of those import ant interests, the Department at Richmond was fortanate in securing the services of one of the most intel ligent and energetic officers in our service. By his energy and perseverance, Alabama and Georgia mins had been made to meet all the demands of our arms and fortifications, including Charleston. In fact, its said and believed by many that the city of Charleston would have been in the hands of the Yankees Log since, but for the untiring labors of Major Hunt in fur nishing the founderies and arsenals with ample mate rial.

The lack of military supplies created g embarrassment to the operation of the armies. This was increased whenever the blockade was most stringent. Immense numbers of Southern soldiers were clothed in the Federal uniforms which had been captured. At the close of the year there were three thousand baryfooted men in Gen. Longstreet's corps. Blank ets and clothing were asked for with pites appeals from Gen. Johnston's army, which La been commanded by Gen. Bragg until Decem ber. The army of Gen. Lee was likewise destitute of blankets. It was said: "Day by day the clothes made for the soldiers exhibit less wool and more cotton." Supplies could no longer be counted upon from abroad. The prospect for obtaining the raw materials was

what remains.

Any one who buys beef has discovered that the quar ters and sides are rapidly diminishing in size. Your er cattle are being slaughtered every year. It is thought that we will have to fall back upon milch cors As cattle diminish, mutton must be substituted, and hence the sources both of leather and wool may be expected to decrease every month. Thus the prospect at home does not encourage the belief that we will be able to clothe armies larger than those which are now shivering in nakedness.

The prospect for the subsistence of the army was thus represented:

Very little bacon is left, beef is going, and mutton will hardly feed great armies, even if the supply were double what it is. It is said that Gen. Lee, during Lis late visit to this city, exclaimed that the citizens had no right to indulge themselves while the soldiers were

living on a quarter of a pound of meat per day. The hue and cry against the starvation of Yankee prison