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been more decided or grateful than that of Mr. Petigru ; but the two succeeding years brought strife and discord into the social circles of South Carolina, in consequence of her political relations with the General Government, and the prospects he might have entertained of reaching the highest honors of the State wero seriously injured, if not destroyed. It was during the nullification troubles of 1830-'3'2 that he first showed that strong attachment to the Federal Union, which became the controlling principle of his political life, and from which, in the darkest hours of the national crisis, he never deviated. The people of South Carolina were then divided into two parties, of which the larger, under the leadership of Calhoun, McDuftie, and Hayne, insisted upon the constitutional right and Jhe necessity of applying the State veto to the protective tariff bills of Congress. Mr. Petigru took sides against this doctrine, and became one of the leaders of the "Union and State Rights Party," in company ■with William Drayton, Daniel E. Huger, Henry E. Dcssaussure, and other distinguished lawyers, representing various sections of the State. This latter organization, while sympathizing with the nullifiers in their dislike of tho protective system, and in some of their opinions on the subject of State rights, joined issue with them on the proposed remedy of nullification by the State veto. In this conflict of opinion and doctrine the two parties wero more than once on the eve of civil war. But the millifiers triumphed; the State vetoed, by ordinance, the obnoxious tariff bill; and the compromise bill of Mr. Clay soon after restored quiet to the country.

During the controversy, Mr. Petigru showed himself an earnest and resolute worker. He wrote and spoke with vigor and eloquence throughout the campaign, and in periods of great popular excitement, when the passions of men could with difficulty be restrained, ho was always to bo found in the midst of the excitement, and fearless of danger. In the subsequent calm which followed, and the restoration of a more pacific temper to society, he was probably one of the last to be forgiven by the triumphant party, his views being considered antagonistic to the recognition of the sovereignty of the State, and identical with measures of Federal usurpation. But though politically suspected, his talents and virtues, his ability as an advocate, and his high social position sufficed to keep him honored in tlio community, and he still remained without a rival at the bar. Subsequently he served in the State Legislature; held for a brief period the office of District Attorney of the United States, at a time when such a position subjected him to popular odium; and during the last few years of his life was one of the commissioners for codifying the laws and statutes of South Carolina.

The secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union in December, 1860, found him too advanced in years to take an active part in

public or political controversies; but with no less energy than he had combated the heresies of the nullifiers thirty years previous, did he declare his opinions against the dissolution of the Union; and this, so far as can now be ascertained, in opposition to every other individual of any note in the State. Amidst such unanimity of opinion as then prevailed in South Carolina, another person in the position of Mr. Petigru might have fared badly; but his political " wrong-headedness," as it was mildly called, was pardoned in one whose character was so deeply respected, and he remained in Charleston until his death, abating in no degree the opinions he had originally formed, and tolerated in the expression of those opinions. Of his unwavering devotion to the Union, even after the bombardment of Fort Sumter, a remarkable and affecting illustration is afl'orded in a recently published letter from him to the Hon. Beverdy Johnson, of Maryland, dated April 16th, 1861. "I came in," he says, "with the Constitution, which went into operation only a few weeks before I saw the light: and I have ever devoutly believed that Union is our greatest interest. Unfortunately for me, my countrymen have, in the course of the last fifty years, taken up the idea that it was a mistake, and that cotton is our greatest interest. The universality of the cotton doctrine, by which I am surrounded, had no sort of influence over my way of thinking, and I have the misfortune of witnessing, day by day, manifestations of enthusiasm in which I have not the slightest participation. You maybe sure, then, of my ready and hearty concurrence in your able and lucid argument against the right of secession ; for the Union would be but a precarious possession if it stood upon the mutable ground of the popular opinion of expediency from day to day. In fact, if it had been authoritatively proclaimed at the time of its adoption that it was only binding as long as it received the voluntary adhesion <5f the several States, it would never have been adopted at all; for the people would have justly said that it was no improvement on the Confederacy. For the Confederacy would have answered all its purposes if it could have been sure of the voluntary adherence of the several States to the duties that were submitted to their free arbitrament There is no doubt the men of 1787 did undertake a new thing in attempting to divide the civil power between the Nation and the State, so as to leave each of them sovereign within their several spheres. But our secessionists pretend that they did not mean it. * * * * *

"What is to bo the end of all this seems to mo inscrutable. But even if tho Gulf States and South Carolina do flake off forever, I will never cease to witness with joy whatever increases the prosperity and honor of the United States."

There is no evidence that during the hist two years of his life he modified in any degree tho views herein expressed.

POLAND.—At the outbreak of the Polish revolution on January 22d, 1863, the Kingdom of Poland, properly so called, constituted a part of the dominions of the emperor of Russia, containing 2,331 geographical square miles, with a population (according to the census of 1859) of 4,764,446 inhabitants. It was divided into • the following fire governments (provinces):

Goographlcal Sq. Mllca. Inb&bltanti Id 1859.

Warsaw 06*,29 l,G99,4Gt

Lublin 54S.G1 952,224

Radom 454,45 032,603

Angnstovo 841,69 023,010

Plotzk 81S,22 552,143

The largest cities of the kingdom were Warsaw, with a population of 162,777 inhabitants (in 1861), Lodz, 29,617, Lublin, 18,304. The total number of towns was 453, with 1,164,487 inhabitants. The great majority of the inhabitants belonged to the Roman Catholic Church, which numbers 3,657,140; 4,856 were orthodox Greeks, 215,967 United Greeks, 274,707 Protestants of the Augsburg Confession (Lutherans), 4,189 Reformed, 1,581 Menonites, 1,451 Moravians, 599,875 Israelites.

The Polish Nationality extends far beyond the limits of the Kingdom of Poland. The number of Poles, according to Schaffarik, one of the standard writers on the Slavic races, amounts to about 10 J millions, of whom 2,159,648 are at present within the limits of Austria, 1,950,199 within those of Prussia, and the rest in Russia, where they inhabit, besides tho Kingdom of Poland, the western provinces of Russia Proper.

Tho insurrection of the Poles against the Russian rule, forms one of tho most important events in the political history of Europe during the past year. It not only maintained itself, in spite of tho utmost efforts of the Russian Government to suppress it, but it gave rise to the gravest diplomatic complications which Europe has seen for many years. At the end of the year tho Polish question not only remained unsolved, but it had become the general opinion of the political world, that Europe would continue to be exposed to tho greatest danger until a satisfactory and pormanent solution of of it might bo found. It had existed for many years, and if tho insurrection should be quelled, the difficulty will still survive. In order to explain fully tho character of tho present insurrection and the gravo diplomatic complication which has thus arisen, it will be necessary to give in brief a general history of this Polish question.

Poland, until the year 1772, was one of the most powerful European empires, having an area of about 13,000 geographical square miles and 13,000,000 inhabitants. In 1772, Austria, Prussia, and Russia agreed upon tho First Partition of that country, in consequence of which Prussia received 631 (geogr.) square miles, with 416,000 inhabitants, Austria 1,280 square miles, with 2,700,000 inhabitants, and Russia 1.975 square miles, with 1,800,000 inhabitants. Thus Poland lost in all, in consequence of tho First

Partition, 2,886 square miles, with about 5,000,. 000 inhabitants. Russia henceforth exercised a controlling influence upon the destinies of the nation. In order to escape the approaching doom of their nationality, the Polish Diet undertook to reform their constitution. They were encouraged in their efforts by the king of Prussia; and a new liberal constitution, which gave to the towns and to the peasants a representation at the Diet, was proclaimed on May 3d, 1791. It was approved by Prussia, and eulogized by Fox and Burke. The Government of Russia protested against the right of Poland to adopt a new constitution, and made it tho pretext for commencing war. Austria and Prussia were appealed to, in vain, for help; both censured Poland for having changed her constitution,without their formal consent, took sides with Russia, and with the latter, arranged the Second Partition of Poland (1793), which gave to Russia 4,553 geographical square miles, with 3,000,000 of inhabitants, and to Prussia 1,060 square miles, with 1,100,000 inhabitants. Tho Diet was again compelled to ratify this dismemberment of the country. The remainder of tho Polish Empire, about 8,801 square miles, with 3£ millions of inhabitants, was entirely under Russian influence. In 1794, the patriotic party made the lirs: attempt to reestablish the Empire within itancient limits. The insurrection broke out in March, 1794, Kosciuszko was proclaimed dictator, and succeeded in raising a National army of 70,000 men. The Poles, from March to November, fought with tho utmost bravery against the combined forces of Prussia, Russia and Austria, but the defeat at Praga, on Nov. 4th, decided the fate of Poland; and a Third Partition, October, 1795, put an end to her independence. Russia at this time received 2,030 square miles, with about 1,200,000 inhabitants. Prussia 997 square miles, with about 1,000,000 inhabitants, Austria 834 square miles, with more than one million inhabitants. In all, Russia had received, by tho three partitions, above 8,500 square miles with 4,600,000 inhabitants: Austria more than 2,100 square miles with 5 million inhabitants, and Prussia, about 2,700 square miles with 2,560,000 inhabitants. Napoleon restored to a part of the former Polish Empire a national independence by establishing in 1807, the Duchy of Warsaw, which was enlarged, October, 1809, by the Treaty of Vienna. But the hopes of the Poles, for a refstablishment of their entire empire through Napoleon wero doomed to disappointment, and, in consequence of the destruction of the French army in Russia (1812), the Duchy of Warsaw ceased to exist.

At the Congress of Vienna, which remodelled tho whole map of Europe, and placed the European state system upon an entirely new basis, the Polish question was found by the assembled diplomats to be one of tho most difficult to solve. The final stipulations of the Congress with regard to Poland are still regarded by the European Powers generally as conclusive, and it is ou the ground of the violation of them by Russia that some of these Powers at present justify their diplomatic interference. ] n every subsequent attempt to settle the Polish question diplomatically, the provisions of the Congress of Vienna must nocessarily have a very considerable, if not decisive, influence, and an acquaintance with them is indispensable to understand the negotiations to which this question will yet undoubtedly give rise. The following is a translation of the Article of the Treaty of Vienna (art. i.) relating to Poland:

"The Duchy of Warsaw, with tho exception «.f the provinces and districts, otherwise disposed of in the following articles, is reunited with the Kingdom of Poland. It shall be irrevocably connected with that empire by its Constitution, to be possessed by his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russins, his heirs and successors, in perpetuity. His Imperial Majesty reserves to himself the right to givo to this state, enjoying a distinct administration, such interior extension as he shall judge proper. He will, in addition to his other titles, assume that of Czar, King of Poland, in conformity with tho protocol, used and hallowed by the titles attached to his other possessions.

"The Poles who are respectively subjects of Russia, Austria and Prussia, shall obtain a representation and national institutions regulated according to that mode of political existence which each of the Governments to which they belong, shall deem useful and proper to grant."

The Constitution which the Emperor Alexnnder I. gave to the Kingdom of Poland on Nov. 27th, 1815, promised to the Poles a national representation in two Chambers, freedom of the press, independence of tho courts, responsibility of the Ministers, and an independent administration, which during the absence of the Czar was to be conducted by a Viceroy. But' soon the Russian Government began to restrict this Constitution. In 1819, the censorship of the press was again introduced; in 1825, the biennial representation and the publicity of the proceedings were abolished. On Nov. 29th, 1830, a revolution broke out against the Russian rule. But the insurgents were from tho beginning divided into two parties: an aristocratic one, under the leadership of Czartoryski, Lubeczki, Chlopicki, Michael Radzivill, etc., and a democratic one, under the leadership of LeleweL etc. Tho former made an attempt at a reconciliation with the Czar, which, however, failed, as the Czar demanded an unconditional surrender. On Jan. 25th, 1831, the Diet excluded the House of Manov forever from the Polish throne. Tho insurrection was virtually suppressed Sept. 8th, 1831, by the surrender of the City of Warsaw. Tho Russian Government maintained that the Poles by their insurrection had forfeited those rights which the Congress of Vienna had stipulated for them, and consequently by a ukase of Fob. 26th, 1832, abolished the Constitution of

Nov. 27th, 1815. In tho place of the Constitution the Organic Statute of 14 (26) February, 1832, was issued. By it Poland was declared a Russian province, the National Polish Army dissolved, and the Polish recruits divided among the Russian divisions; a Council of State, whose members noed not be Poles, and were appointed by tho Emperor, was substituted for the Diet; the taxes were not used for Poland alone, but paid into the treasury of Russia; religious and personal freedom was again guaranteed. England and France protested against this measure of the Russian Government, as an infraction of the spirit, if not of the letter, of the treaties of Vienna.

Tho legislation which was inaugurated in 1832, continued substantially until 18611 Alexander II., who from tho beginning of his reign had shown a disposition to mitigate the rigorous treatment Poland had received during the reign of Nicholas L, tried to allay the excitement which showed itself in the beginning of the year 1861, by issuing a ukase, on 14th (26th) March, 1861, which, beside conceding other reforms, reestablished the Council of State for tho Kingdom of Poland, and ordered all future official acts to be in the name of the Emperor as King of Poland. This was followed by another ukase, of tho 1st (13th) of January, 1862, which suppressed tho special department in the Council of the Emperor for the affairs of Poland as being superfluous, since the reestablishment of tho Council of State for the Kingdom Poland. Other reforms followed in the course of the year. Tho Russian Government seemed to enter fully into the plan of the Polish Marquis Wielopolski, who in 1831 had been one of the heads of the insurrection, but had since completely changed his views, and for many years devoted his great talents wholly to bringing about a reconciliation between Russia and Poland. Ho had come to the conclusion, that not a severance from Russia could lead to a restoration of a Polish nationality, but that the only way to attain this result was to gain the sympathy and cooperation of Russia for uniting all the formerly Polish provinces into one kingdom under the supremacy of Russia. Tho Archduke Constantine, in particular, a warm partisan of all measures of Panslavic tendency, became the patron of this project, and was on May 27th (June 8th), 1862, appointed Namiestnik (Administrator) of the kingdom, to attempt a practical execution of the plan. In order to enlist, if possible, tho Roman Catholic clergy in the scheme, the director of the Roman Catholic Seminary of St. Petersburg, Felinski, who was regarded as staunchly loyal to the Imperial Government, was appointed Archbishop of Warsaw. Yet, all these cflbrts remained fruitless. But few of the influential Poles could be gained over to this plan. On the contrary, the national, anti-Russian party displayed new strength. A large number of the Polish noblemen expressed their views on tho reforms introduced by Russia, in an address to Count Zamoiski, their leader. They demanded the restoration of the ancient rights of the nation. ""We do not keep aloof," they said, "from making use of the institutions recently conceded to us, but we deem it a duty to declare, that the policy hitherto adopted has brought the country into a condition, in which neither military power, nor martial law, dungeons and exile, nor even sentences of death can quiet it; on the contrary, all such measures would only increase the excitement, and force the country upon a way equally disastrous to the Government and to the people. . As Poles, we confidently support the Government only, when the Government shall be a national, Polish one, and when all the provinces of our country shall be united under free laws." Count Zamoiski was summoned to St. Petersburg, for having called forth this address, and as his defence was considered unsatisfactory, sent into exile. This and other measures neutralized all the effects, that some of the reforms of the Government might otherwise have produced. A revolutionary party extended its ramifications throughout the country, having its movement conducted by a Central Committee in Warsaw. The excitement ran to a fearful height, several attempts were made against the lives of Grand Duke Constantino and Marquis Wielopolski, and the year 18G2 closed with forebodings of serious disturbances.

The agitation was not confined to the Kingdom of Poland, but extended to the Old Polish Provinces. In order to prevent patriotic manifestations, the Government interdicted or postponed the triennial assemblies of the nobility in these provinces. An exception was made in favor of that of Minsk, which was opened on November 22d, 1862. Never had a meeting of the nobility been more fully attended, the members considering this attendance a duty to their country. An address to the Emperor setting forth the wishes and wants of the country, was unanimously agreed upon. When the Governor forbado the sending of an address, it was resolved to insert the proposition for it in the minutes. The assembly renewed its former declarations in favor of the equality of all classes and all creeds, freedom of conscience, and institutions founded upon the spirit of the nation.

January, 1863, was inaugurated by the attempt of the Government to enforce a very rigorous conscription law in the towns, which were regarded as the seat of the revolutionary agitation. In Warsaw, the recruiting began in the night of January 14th. According to the Polish accounts, those indicated by the managers of the conscription were torn from their beds, and dragged to the citadel under a guard of Cossacks, gendarmes, and other armed men. When those for whom they were in search were not found, they seized married men, fathers of large families, and held them as iiostages for their surrender. In a similar way, the conscription was enforced in the

country towns. Large numbers of the conscripts and other disaffected people assembled in the forests, in several parts of the kingdom, with the object of preparing for an insurrection. On January 16th, the Central Committee issued a proclamation stating that they, had taken all the measures in their power to prevent the recruiting, but that they had been taken by earprise, and their calculations were upset by unforeseen circumstances, especially by the hostility of the French Government, which had retarded the introduction of arms into Poland, The committee proclaimed the whole country in an exceptional state, and declared the Marquis Wielopolski and his son, and all those who had taken part in the recruiting-, to be outlaws. They also gave orders that the youth should quit the city to hide in tho woods, in the neighborhood of Warsaw. A large number of secret societies met, on January 18th, at Perotsk, in the neighborhood of AVarsaw, but they were dispersed by the military, who arrested about 50 persons. On the night of January 22d, several attacks were made upon the soldiers at Warsaw, and about 30 Russians killed, and three times that number wounded. The loss of the insurgents was very great. Simultaneously, serious conflicts took place at Block, Plonz, Radzin, Siedlic, and other places. Railway and telegraphic communication was interrupted at several points. The lower and middle classes, working men, and the proprietors of small estates, equally took part in tho movement, while the great landed proprietors and the peasants kept aloof. On January 25th, the whole kingdom was placed under martial law.

At tho beginning of February, several larpe bodies of insurgents had already been formed. The main body, consisting of about 5,000 men, was under the command of Langiewicz; and posted in the mountains of Krzyz. A second division, commanded by Count Jyskiewiez, took up a position near Rawa, on the river Rawka, in tho district of Warsaw. The third division, commanded by Frankviski, was posted in the district of Lublin. The insurgents soon took possession of several towns, as Olkusz, on Feb. 1st; of Lodz, an important manufacturing town in tho district of Masovia, where they took from tho branch establishment of tho bank, 18,000 rubles, and from tho post office, 31,000 rubles. Skirmishes between the insurgents and the Russians were now of frequent occurrence. In some the Russians were defeated, and numbers of them fled into Prussian territory.

The Russian Government at once sent heavy reinforcements of troops into Poland; at tho same time, the conscription was stopped, and the Council of the Empire received orders from the Emperor, to propose several bills having for their object tho introduction of reforms into the government of Poland. The Prussian Government showed its sympathy with Russia, by escorting back the Russian troops that had fled to Prussian territory, with military honors. Austria preserved an entire neutrality, and protested against occasional violation of the Austrian territory by Kussian troops1, in pursuit of the Poles.

On February 8th, a convention was concluded between the Governments of Prussia and Russia, by which Prussia engaged to prevent the insurgents from receiving reenforcomcnts and arms, or from taking refuge on the Prussian territory, and, if called upon, to accord to Russia all the facilities possible for crushing the insurrection. Additional articles regulated the mutual relations between the Prussian and the Russian armies in case of an armed intervention. This convention was severely and unanimously rebuked throughout Europe, and led to a coalition of France, England, and Austria. The Second Chamber of the Prussian Parliament, on February 28th, adopted by 246 to 57 votes, a motion of the deputies Hovcrbeck and Carlowitz, recommending neutrality in the Polish question, and asking that both Russian soldiers and Polish insurgents entering Prussian territory should be disarmed.

No attempt was made at provoking an insurrection in the Prussian and Austrian portions of Poland; on the contrary, the Provisional Government of Warsaw expressly warned the inhabitants of those provinces against any revolutionary outbreak. This view was shared by nearly all the Polish exiles, and Gen. Derabinski, among others, declared him to be an enemy of Poland, who would seek to cause an insurrectionary outbreak in Austrian Poland. Still the warmest sympathy with the insurrection was generally manifested in the Polish provinces of Prussia and Austria. With the success of the insurrection, notwithstanding the strict guard of the frontiers, thousands of volunteers rushed to the seat of war. In the Kingdom of Poland, the movement became in the beginning of March a national one, in the fullest sense of the word. Even those classes, which had opposed and even strongly condemned the insurrectionary outbreak, regarded it to be. their duty to show their sympathy with the cause of Polish independence, and to indorse the principal demands of the National party. In Warsaw, most of the members of tho Council of State who were independent of the Government, tendered their resignation. The same was done by the Municipality. Even the Archbishop of Warsaw, Felinski, whom the Russian Government had looked upon as their most unflinching partisan, tendered his resignation as member of tho Council of State. Subsequently, he even addressed a letter to the Emperor, advocating the claims of the Polish nation, in consequence of which he was exiled to the interior of Russia. In the eight provinces of Russia, which bad formerly been parts of the Polish Empire, the national movement likewise showed itself. In Lithuania, all the marshals of the corpora

tions, all tho judges and judicial officers, and all tho independent public functionaries sent in their resignations en masse, basing these resignations upon a resolution not to receive any communication from the Government in the Russian language. The sympathy with the insurrection was not confined to the Polish inhabitants of these provinces, who form only a small minority of tho total population (1,027,000 out of 9,849,000), but extended to the Lithuanians (1,645,000), who for centuries had been united with the Poles, and to a part of the Ruthenians, who had formerly belonged to the United Greek Church, and had been forced, in 1839, against their will, into a union with tho Russian State Church. Corps of insurgents were formed in several of these provinces, especially in that of Grodno, though they never became so numerous and efficient as in tho provinces of Poland Proper.

Among the Russians, tbe insurrection did not find as many friends as some of its leaders had expected. Alexander Ilerzen, Bakunin, and other chiefs of the revolutionary Russian party, openly took sides with the Poles; and through their influence a few Russian officers were induced to join the Polish insurgents; but tlie majority of the Russians regarded the struggle as a sacred cause of tho Russian nationality, and not only supported but goaded on tho Government.

Tho hereditary fault of the Poles, internal dissensions, showed itself among the commanders of the national forces immediately upon the outbreak of the insurrection. On February 19th, Gen. Mieroslavski, well known to the people, from the prominent part he had taken in former revolutionary plots in Poland, and in the European revolution of 1848, informed the insurgents that the Provisional National Government had appointed him commander-inchief of all tho insurrectionary forces. He began his operations on the frontier of the governments of Plocz and Kalish, but wns signally unsuccessful. Soon after ho had assumed tho commandership-in-chicf, his corps was dispersed, and he himself disappeared altogether from tho seat of war.

Marian Langiewicz was more successful, and for some time was expected to become the Garibaldi of Poland. He was born on August 5th, 1827, at Krotoshin, in the grand duchy of Posen. lie studied, in 1848, mathematics at tho university of Brcslau, and for some time tho Slavic languages at the university of Prague. Being without means of subsistence, he for two years acted as a private teacher in the family of a Polish nobleman, after which he entered tho Prussian army. In 1859 ho was an officer of the artillery when, believing tho prospects for a Polish revolution to be brightening, he resigned, and went to Paris, where Mieroslavski appointed him teacher at his new military school. This place he resigned, in order to join Garibaldi, upon his famous expedition for the annexation of Naples

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