confiscation of our lands, and the subjugation of a free people. God in his providence will not permit such a calamity. The Senate adopted the following resolu tion: Resolved, That the people of Alabama and the State hereby pledge the entire resources of the State, to the last dollar and the last man, to a successful prosecution of the war now being waged by the North for the subjugation of the people of the Confederate States, and that we will never yield the contest until the achievement of the acknowledgment of our independence as a separate people. A joint resolution relative to the employment of slaves was adopted as follows: and ruin upon our cause. The soldier must be fed and his family provided for, and our home population, white and black, must be supported. The experience of the past and the necessities of the present give serious and solemn warning as to the future. Let not our armies, which have hitherto, by the blessing of God, proved invincible, be conquered or disbanded by the want of subsistence in their camps, or be demoralized by the presence of famine in their homes. These results can and will be prevented if the planting community realize their heavy responsibility, and discharge their full duty to the country. The Legislature of Georgia is called to reassemble to reconsider its late acResolved, That it is the duty of Congress to provide tion upon this important subject; and the Con- by law for the employment in the service of the Confederate Congress, perceiving the danger, have federate States of America, in such situations and in given timely notice of its approach by an earnest such numbers as may be found absolutely necessary, appeal to the whole country. The indications of the able bodied slaves of the country, whether as pioof a continuance of the war are so unmistak-neers, sappers and miners, cooks, nurses or teamable, and the necessity of providing the means indispensable to its prosecution so urgent, that I have thought it not improper to unite in the appeal to that class of our population through whose active energies and foresight alone these means can be supplied." An address was also made to the people by the Senators and Representatives of the State in Congress, urging them to plant corn and raise hogs and cattle. At this time bands of deserters from the Southern army and Union men were organized in the northern part of the State. In Wayne and the adjoining counties they were quite numerous. After the losses at Gettysburg and the retreat of General Lee from Pennsylvania, extraordinary efforts were made to recruit the Southern armies. On the 20th of July, Gov ernor Shorter issued a call for an extra session of the State Legislature to be convened Aug. 17th. The reason for this session was to provide for the better defence of the State. In his message to the Legislature the Governor confined his remarks to the subject of military defence. He examined the question relative to the classes exempt under the State and Confederate enactments, and being without means of ascertaining the number of exempts, he supposed there were several thousand. He recommended that all persons between the ages of sixteen and sixty, including those having substitutes, those of foreign birth domiciled within the State, and all who had evaded the full requirements of the Confederate Government, should be embraced in an amendment to the militia laws as liable to military duty; also that the officers of the State should be charged with the duty of arresting stragglers and deserters, and that the judicial officers should be held to a rigid enforcement of the penalties against their abettors. He concluded as follows: Alabama has and will cheerfully respond to every demand upon her, so long as the unnatural foe perseveres in his unholy crusade. May the invaded people not give way to alarm and false security, but nerve themselves to an undying resistance to the despotism which has decreed the emancipation of our slaves, the sters. On the 22d of August, Robert Jemison, jr., was elected to fill the unexpired term of William Yancey, deceased, in the Senate of the Confederate Congress. He was a member of the convention which passed the ordinance of Secession, and at that time a "coöperationist" (see ANNUAL CYCLOPÆDIA, 1861. ALABAMA), but became "a firm and uncompromising supporter of the war." For many years he had been a member of the State Legislature from Tuscaloosa county. At the election for State officers in August, 1863, Governor John G. Shorter and Thomas H. Watts were the candidates for the office of Watts, 22,223 votes; Shorter, 6,342 votes. governor. The result in fifty-two counties was: The former was elected by a large majority. Governor Watts had been one of the electors named on the Bell and Everett ticket at the presidential election in 1860. Soon after his election it was stated that he was in favor of a reconstruction of the Union. A letter was addressed to him on this subject, to which he made the following reply: CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, RICHMOND, Sept. 12th. } Hon. Ira Foster, Quartermaster-General of Georgia, DEAR SIR: I have to-day received your letter of the 1st inst., forwarded to me from Montgomery, Alabama, and hasten to reply. You say that my name, since the connection with "reconstruction," meaning thereby Alabama election, has been freely used by many in that some people in Georgia suppose I am in favor of re-union with the Yankee Government of the North. I am surprised and mortified that any body in the those who claim my election as indicating any such South should so interpret the Alabama election. If feeling in Alabama had read my letter of the 21st March to Gen. Lawler, and my short address to the people of Alabama, dated 6th June last, they would never have entertained such false notions. It is due to the gallant people of my State to call attention to the resolutions of the recent called session of the Legislature, passed unanimously, pledging all the men and resources of the State to prosecute the war until the independence of the Confederate States is fully established. For my self, I will not forfeit my self-respect by arguing the question of "reconstruction." He who is now, deliberately or otherwise, in favor of "reconstruction" with the States under Lincoln's dominion, is a traitor in his heart to the State of his residence and deserves a traitor's doom. If I had the power, I would build up a wall of fire between Yankeedom and the Confederate States, there to burn, for ages, as a monument of the folly, wickedness, and vandalism of the Puritanic race! No, sir! rather than reunite with such a people, I would see the Confederate States desolated with fire and sword. When the men of the South become such base cowards as to wish for such reunion, let us call on the women of the South to march to the battle field, and in the name of God and justice, bid them fight under the banner of Southern liberty! The call would not be made in vain. Let the patriotic sires, whose children have bared their breasts to Yankee bullets and welcomed glorious deaths in this struggle for selfgovernment, rebuke the foul spirit which even whispers "reconstruction." Let the noble mothers, whose sons have made sacred with their blood so many fields consecrated to freedom, rebuke the fell heresy! Let our blood-stained banners, now unfurled "to the battle and the breeze," rebuke the cowardice and cupidity which suggest "reconstruction." The spirits of our heroic dead, the martyrs to our sacred cause, rebuke, a thousand times rebuke, "reconstruction"! We have little cause for despondency, none for despair! Let us now nerve ourselves afresh for the contest, and let us not forget that "Freedom's battle, once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, If we are true to ourselves, true to the memories of the past, true to our homes and our firesides, and true to our God, we can not, we will not be conquered! In any and in every event, let us prefer death to a life of cowardly shame! Your obedient servant, T. II. WATTS. In Gctober, Mobile was visited by the President of the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis. After a review of the local troops, he was called out by the people and made a brief speech, which was thus reported: He congratulated the people upon the fact-which he assured them he felt to be the fact-that our cause is now in a better condition than it was a year ago. Having just come from the scene of the great battle of Chickamauga, it was impossible that he should not refer to that, and though it could not be expected that he should allude to contemplated movements, yet he was happy to say that the brave victors of that bloody field stood ready and anxious to strike the blow which should secure the complete fruits of their glorious victory. He could say more-that he believed they would strike the blow, and that Rose. crans' unwieldy legions would be destroyed, or driven for refuge to the Ohio. The same spirit animated our armies elsewhere, and all they needed was to be properly seconded by the people at home to send the hordes of Yankees back to their beloved Boston, or any other place from which their return might be more diflicult. The citizen soldiery, also, he believed, were emulous of the reputation of their brethren in camp. He had been much moved, as he rode along the lines, at secing among them young boys, some very young, and men whose heads were silvered with the frosts of many winters. He could remind all these, regulars and others, that they are not common soldiers. They present a spectacle which the world has never witnessed-the best population of the country poured into the army. Such men may be appealed to from other incentives than that of rigid military discipline. The time, the cause, all considerations, require efforts which may be demanded of an army of heroes, for such they are. Besides these, there are some too old to bear arms, but they, too, can do something. Let them contribute their means to the support and relief of those who are contributing their blood; and let those who are too poor for this contribute their influence. There is something that all can do. Self must be entirely forgotten; and let those who are deaf to any other appeal, remember that he who is hoarding up wealth, in such a time as this, is hoarding up infamy, the mark of which he and his posterity must bear who shall have grown rich by this war. The number of troops contributed to the Confederacy by the State is at present unknown. The military operations of the year touched the northern part of the State; but no important actions took place. The foreign commerce of the State was confined to the cargoes of two or three steamers which reached Mobile through the blockade, and the export of some cotton which escaped in small vessels. AMERICA. The political subdivisions of America in 1863 were as follows: I. AMERICAN STATES UNDER AMERICAN GOVERNMENTS. The most important events in the history of the American continent, during the year 1863, are the continuance of the civil war in the United States, and the progress of the French invasion in Mexico. Both are fully treated elsewhere in these pages. At the conclusion of the year these wars were unended. In Central America the president of Guatemala, Gen. Carrera, declared on January 23d war against President Barrios of San Salvador. All the Central American States, with the exception of Costa Rica, were drawn into this war, which terminated with the victory of Gen. Carrera, and the expulsion of Gen. Barrios from the country. (See CENTRAL AMERICA.) In the latter part of the year a war broke out between the United States of Colombia and Ecuador. (See COLOMBIA, UNITED STATES OF.) In Venezuela, the Federalists, who had been at war with the Government, concluded a treaty of peace with the latter, at Coche, near Caraccas, upon the following conditions: an armistice; *Estimated. a convocation of four representatives of each province (two of each party), in the hands of whom the reins of government were to be placed, and who should elect a new president. The acting president, General Paez, was to remain, until the election, at the head of the civil administration, and General Falcon, the chief of the Federalists, was appointed commander-in-chief of all the troops. In consequence of this convention General Paez (chief of the Unitarian party) resigned the presidency. The representatives of the nation thus elected assembled on June 17th at Vittoria, and appointed General Juan E. Falcon (chief of the Federalist party) provisional president, and General Antonio Guzman Blanco provisional vicepresident. General Leon de Febres Cordero, at the head of the garrison of Porto Cabello, protested against the transfer of the supreme power to the assembly of Vittoria, and organized another government at Porto Cabello. General Falcon, the provisional president, en tered Caraccas on July 24th, and convoked a constituent assembly for December 10th, in order to establish a legal government. In Uruguay a civil war broke out in consequence of an invasion of the country by the former president, Flores, who was supposed to be encouraged by the Government of the Argentine Republic. The war had not ended at the close of the year. Between Chili and Bolivia a war threatened to break out in consequence of long pending difculties concerning the regulation of the frontier. It was, however, averted by negotiations, and a peaceable solution of the dispute was expected. In December, 1863, a revolution broke out in the United States of Colombia against Presi lent Mosquera. In the State of Antioquia about four thousand men of the revolutionary party were under arms. The Government of the State raised a large militia force to suppress the revolution. The encroachments of European powers upon the rights of American States, which were encouraged by the existence of civil war in the United States, became more conspicuous and numerous during the year 1883. France continued vigorously the war for the overthrow of the Mexican republic, and under the protection of French bayonets a small number of Mexican notables abolished the republican form of government, declared Mexico to be an empire, and elected Archduke Maximilian of Austria, the first emperor. (See MEXICO.) The natives of Santo Domingo, which republic was a few years ago treacherously sold by its last president, Santana to Spain, rose again in insurrection for the recovery of their independence, and by the end of the year the Spaniards, notwithstanding their overwhelming numbers, had not succeeded in suppressing the insurrection. (See SPAIN.) The insolent conduct of England toward Brazil led to a diplomatic rupture between these two powers. (See BRAZIL.) No one of the European Powers is more eager to extend her influence upon this continent than France. Louis Napoleon, in 1862, in his celebrated letter to Marshal Forey, avowed his intention to gain a controlling influence over the Latin race. French agents are known to be active in a number of the South American republics to create and encourage a monarchical party. In some, these attempts have met with considerable success. In the republic of Ecuador, in particular, a number of the leading statesmen, including the president of the republic, were reported to be favorable to the establishment of a French protectorate. Some of the papers of this republic openly denounced the republican form of government, and recommended a return to monarchy, as the only salvation from general anarchy. General Pezet, who by the unexpected death of General San Roman, April 3d, was called to the presidency of Peru, the most populous of the South American republics, manifested likewise some sympathy with monarchical tendencies, by appointing avowed partisans of a monarchical party to important diplomatic positions. These anti-republican schemes of European Powers awakened, in many of the States of South America a desire to form an American Continental Alliance between all the republies on the continent. Formal propositions to this effect were made, in 1862, by several of them to the Government of the United States, but they were declined by the latter, on the ground of their involving a deviation from its traditional policy of neutrality. Another proposition to the same effect was, after the fall of the city of Mexico, made to the republics of Central and South America, by President Juarez, of Mexico, but it likewise led to no result. The people of Santo Domingo addressed, in December, 1863, an appeal to the governments and people of Spanish America, to aid them in their unequal struggle against Spain. A great interest was particularly manifested in the idea of an American Continental Alliance in Chili and New Granada. The year 1863 is also marked in the history of the American Continent by the great changes which took place with regard to slavery. By a proclamation of the President of the United States, of January 1st, 1863, slavery was declared abolished in the States of Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas, with the exception of a few districts of Louisiana and Virginia, which were at the time of the issuing of the proclamation within the Federal lines. In an amnesty proclamation, issued on December 8th, the President proclaimed that in each of the above named States one tenth of the number of voters at the presidential election of 1860, who would take the oath to abide by and support the acts of Congress passed during the existing war, with reference to slaves and the presidential proclamations on the subject, should be authorized to reestablish a State government. The new State of West Virginia, in April, adopted by 28,321 votes against 572 an amendment to its State constitution, abolishing slavery. The Legislature of the State of Missouri, on July 5th, passed an ordinance of prospective emancipation. The State of Maryland, at the State election in November, elected to the General Assembly forty-seven members pledged to emancipation against twenty-seven not pledged. On July 1st, the abolition of slavery was proclaimed in the Dutch possessions, in accordance with a law adopted by the Chambers of Holland in 1862. The number of slaves freed by this law amounted to about 11,300 in the Dutch West India islands, and 37,001 in Surinam. In December, 1863, a treaty was concluded between the United States and Holland Governments, by which it was arranged that the colonial authorities of Surinam should receive such of the emancipated American slaves as may be willing to work on their plantations. ARCHEOLOGY. (See ETHNOLOGY.) ANGLICAN CHURCHES.-This is the collective name given to the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States, the Established Church of England, the Episcopal Church of Scotland, and the branches of these bodies. The Churchman's Calendar, for 1864 (New York, 1864), gives the following synoptical view of these churches: 136 Most of the bishops in Asia, Africa, and Oceanica have their sees in British territory, but some are missionary bishops for countries not under British rule. Thus the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States sustains missionary bishops for Liberia and China, and the Church of England the Bishop of St. James at Jerusalem, the Bishops of Zambezi and Orange River in Africa, and the Bishop of Milanesia in Oceanica, also the Bishop of Honolulu, in the Sandwich Islands. Only the Churches of England and Ireland have as yet archbishops; the British Colonies have, instead, metropolitans, who enjoy substantially the same prerogatives as the archbishops. Thus British America has a metropolitan at Montreal, India at Calcutta, Africa at Capetown, Australia at Sydney. The province of New Zealand has a metropolitan in the Bishop of New Zealand. There is a growing tendency in the Church, especially in the United States, to introduce the provincial or metropolitan system (the union of several Episcopal sces under a metropolitan) where it does not yet exist, or to promote its development where it already has a legal existence. The Anglican Churches have had thus far an independent national organization, only, 1st. In Great Britain and its dependencies; 2d. In the United States; 3d, in the Sandwich Islands. To these may be added, 4th, the Church of Liberia, which has made all the necessary preparations for an independent organization. This church has been hitherto under a missionary bishop, sent out by the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States, and therefore in organic connection with the American Church. By the canons of the American Church, six presbyters canonically resident within certain prescribed limits can, with the laity, constitute a new diocese, and can frame canons, etc. The missionary bishop ceases, ipso facto, to have jurisdiction within the new diocese so formed. The convention of the new diocese can either elect a bishop, or ask, pro tempore, the missionary bishop to continue to officiate as their bishop. But they can, whenever they like, choose a bishop, and when one is so chosen, the missionary bishop ceases to have any connection with them. The convention may choose the missionary bishop as their diocesan, though he must still continue to act as missionary bishop over the country or district not included within the new diocese. The Liberians have now constituted themselves into a diocese. In April, 1862, Bishop Payne, the American missionary bishop in Liberia, called the clergy to meet at Cape Palmas for the purpose of organizing the church. His wish, however, to eff et such an organization as would place the Liberian Church under the general convention of the United States of America, was deemed to be impracticable, and the result of the meeting was simply the formation of a General Missionary Convocation. An entirely independent church organization was effected in February, 1863, by a unanimous vote of the Liberian clergy and lay delegates assembled in general council at Monrovia. By this act the American missionary bishop ceased to have any jurisdiction within the newly formed diocese; but continued to be "Missionary Bishop to Cape Palmas (where he resides) and parts adjacent." The Liberian convention requested him "to continue his episcopal supervision of the church in Liberia, and to perform episcopal offices where they may be needed throughout the country." Bishop Payne consented to this request. The most important points of the new church constitution of Liberia are as follows: The constitution divides Liberia, prospectively, into four sees, as the republic has four counties. When four presbyters reside in a county, they can, i. e. a majority, organize a diocesan synod. But six resident presbyters in a diocese are requisite to elect a bishop. The clergy in one or more counties can unite and form a diocese. The committee of convocation adopted the American prayer book as a whole. At the annual meeting of the Board of Missions of the American Church, a special report on the new church organization in Libe ria was submitted by Bishop Burgess. In this DIOCESES AND MISSIONS. report, which was unanimously adopted, the desire was expressed that the attempt to form an independent communion in Liberia should be postponed until a fuller opportunity was obtained for consultation. The report regretted that the steps for the formation of an independent church had been so hastily taken, and expressed the opinion that clergymen, forming such independent church, must necessarily cease to become missionaries of the Foreign Committee. The foundation of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Hayti was laid in 1862 by Rev. J. S. Holly, a colored minister of the church in the United States. Mr. Holly established in 1863 a church at the capital, Port au Prince. In October, 1863, Bishop Lee, of Delaware, sailed for Hayti to survey the field with a view to the permanent establishment of a mission in con nection with the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States. The organization of an independent "Protestant Episcopal Church of the Confederate States" led to some important complications. The question arose, whether the parishes in the new State of West Virginia, being in connection with the Church of the United States, remained under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Virginia at Richmond, who claimed to be no longer a bishop of the United States but of the Church of the Confederate States. The opinions of the church papers greatly differed on this subject, and some of them protested against the exercise by Bishop Mellvaine, of Ohio, of episcopal functions in West Virginia. The Church Almanac, for 1864, contains the following table of church statistics of the Episcopal Church of the United States: The 28th annual meeting of the Board of Missions was held at Providence, Rhode Island, on October 7th, 8th, and 9th. The receipts of the Domestic Committee were reported to have been $37,458.05, exceeding those of last year by $2,134.14. The receipts of the Jersey Committee were $54,260.07, an increase over the previous year of $3,687.89. It was resolved to establish a mission at Santa Fe, New Mexico, on the associate or collegiate plan, with a view to the organization of schools of both sexes, and to the gradual development of itinerant work throughout that territory. 9 841 63 681 1,209 66 The fourth annual meeting of the American Church Missionary Society took place at Philadelphia, October 15th. This society employed 38 missionaries in 1863, 10 more than last year, and its receipts during the year amounted to $19,189.41. The 37th annual report of the Protestant Episcopal Church Union and Church Book Society, records an improvement in the financial condition of the society within the past year, amounting to $10,000, exclusive of the amount received for the building fund, $2.922. The Society for the Increase of the Ministry, which Present Number. Teachers. Scholars. Missionary and Charitable Contributions. |