Isla de Leon, the whole of the troops stationed there, carried their rejoicings to the highest pitch of enthusiasm; the whole of the provinces, as well in the Peninsula as beyond seas, all the armies, even those Spaniards who resided in foreign countries, celebrated the possession of the Constitution as an inestimable benefit, and amidst general acclamations swore to maintain its observance. The councils and authorities of the first order, the chancery-courts, the prelates and ecclesiastical chapters, almost all the religious communities and principal municipalities, the universities and other literary corporations, nearly the whole of the public establishments, persons in office, and an infinite number of private individuals, emulously sent in their spontaneous congratulations to the Congress, manifesting their gratitude by the most lively and expressive demonstrations. These circumstances are still recent and fresh in the memories of all; millions exist who saw them, and numberless documents could be quoted in the shape of positive evidence. No human institution was ever received in so fervent and enthusiastic a manner; no civil law was ever so solemnly accepted and recorded in the hearts of a people. The proofs of these facts, as we have just observed, are preserved in the persons of thousands of living witnesses and in imperishable documents; and these feelings and predilections are again confirmed, by the universal cry of the Spanish people in 1820.

The Cortes continued laboring in the important work of the social edifice; and after building up, as it were, the principal walls by means of the Constitution, their main object was to complete and perfect it by their subsequent endeavors. Of these, one of the chief features was the abolition of the well known tribunal of the Inquisition. Although indirectly abolished by the Constitution, the Spanish nation seemed called upon to abolish such a tribunal as this possibly the chief cause of the many evils experienced-in formal and express terms. Buonaparte's previous decree for its abolition, issued at his head quarters of Chamartin, in all probability contributed to this determination on the part of the national representatives. Many Liberales were of opinion, that the act of a foreigner, abolishing a noted institution, whatever it might be, in a military manner, was to treat the nation with a want of decorum and respect; and indeed some Serviles did not fail to avail themselves of the circumstance itself to derive arguments in favor of the existence of the establishment. The Inquisition had been left, as it

traordinary Cortes assembled in Cadiz, as well as the Constitution they have decreed and sanctioned."

Vide speech of the Inquisitor Riesco, at the discussions on the project of the decree respecting the Inquisition."

were, suspended in its functions ever since the insurrection in 1808, although its partisans lost no opportunity of urging its re-establishment. On the contrary, the liberal party in the Cortes, from the moment of the first meeting of this body, did not cease to prepare the public mind, in order afterwards to secure a complete triumph. Foreigners have paid little attention to the true and most terrible evil produced by this tribunal. Horror-struck with the great number of unfortunate victims it has tried and burnt, they have usually confined themselves to imprecations on this subject; without reflecting, that the excesses of the Inquisition, in burning and persecuting two centuries ago, were common in all parts. In Germany, England, France, burnings took place the same as in Spain; and if in the latter country autos de fè were celebrated, in France a St. Bartholomew's day and dragoon-scenes equally took place. In more recent times, this species of fanatic fury became softened, as in the rest of Europe; and with difficulty could the Inquisition be accused of any thing so abominable as what happened to Chevalier de la Barre, in France.' But these proceedings, more or less harsh and horrid, every where came to a close; because a clerical magistracy, exercised in a manner so contrary to the spirit of the gospel and the interests of society, in other countries, was not armed with the powers of excommunication and the other means necessary to sustain fanaticism and ignorance, or enabled to prolong the ascendency of an institution so fatal. It is probable, that this very tribunal would, in the midst of its crimes, have fallen to the ground of itself if its ministers, instead of being ecclesiastics, had been lay judges. Their interests then would not have been the same, their means of controlling the minds of the people different, the cloak of religion would not have so easily covered Machiavelian policy, and the terror of their executions would not have been counterbalanced by the respect and veneration paid to ministers of the sanctuary. This was in fact the true evil that pressed on the Spanish nation, and proved to it more fatal than the religious wars were to France. During the latter, the blood that was spilled by the fury of factions and on the fields of battle, at least gave tone and vigor to the minds of men, instead of degrading them; and, as Voltaire observes, if it did not accelerate, at least it did not stop the progress of reason: but the tremendous tribunal of the Inquisition, by its constant system of oppression, common to all parts of the monarchy, placed almost insurmountable obstacles in the way of genius and improvement. Prying out the most secret actions, and persecuting man in the very asylum of his own thoughts, whither tyranny itself cannot pene

Vide Voltaire; "Affaires Célebres;" "Le Cri du Sang Innocent, et Le Précis de la Procédure d' Abbeville."

trate, the Inquisition had in great measure chained down reason; and, on the other hand, being extremely watchful to prevent the introduction of foreign books and the circulation of new ideas, had retarded the progress of civilisation. Hence that stationary state in which the Peninsula had been left, with regard to other nations; and to this may be attributed so much backwardness in sciences and arts. The Spanish nation constantly showed itself opposed to such an establishment; and far from its ever having been approved in the Cortes, the records of many of those held in the sixteenth century, are filled with petitions for its reform. In short, there has been no occasion in which Spaniards have been able freely to manifest their opinions, that they have failed to demand the abolition of the Inquisition. This was the ground-work of one of the petitions of the celebrated Commoners in the sixteenth century, when that unfortunate war took place which put an end to Castilian liberty.' The discussions which took place in the Cortes on the abolition of this tribunal, were the most solemn and luminous, and their result the most complete triumph in favor of learning and philosophy. The question was carried with a majority of two-thirds; and those who opposed it, with the exception of six or eight, did not defend the Inquisition in the form under which it existed, but under a reformed one. Indeed, how could this be otherwise, when its mode of judicial proceeding is considered, its horrid secrecy, the protection it gave to the occult informer, and the manner in which the accused was neglected and trampled upon. Thus, this body, composed of Spaniards bred up under the terrible scourge of the Inquisition, caused the real opinion on the subject of this institution to be made known, as soon as they were enabled freely to express their sentiments. From all parts, thanks were sent up to the Congress on the abolition, and on no side was any complaint or remonstrance heard.

The extraordinary Cortes also occupied themselves in the reform of the monastic orders, their decrease, and in restraining the

In Europe, generally, very defective ideas are entertained of this war. It was not the effort of a party, a quarrel of the grandees against the king; nor a wish to sustain the interests of any particular class: the only object was to defend the liberties of Castile, to give them greater latitude, and to preserve them against the attacks of regal power and the councils of the king. It was also the first war of this kind in Europe. Its chief, the unfortunate Juan de Padilla, descended from an illustrious family of Toledo, and was one of the most accomplished gentlemen of his time. Vide the portrait made of him, in his letters by Guevara, although a personal enemy. As the regal power from that time pressed so heavily in Spain, all the writers who have had occasion to speak of these events, either did it with great circumspection or marked partiality. For this reason their assertions in favor of the commoners are deserving of more weight. The Cortes had agreed that a monument should be erected to the memory of Juan de Padilla.

admission of noviciates. They also endeavoured to diminish the property of the clergy, by applying it to the extinction of the national debt; but in order to realise all this, mild means were adopted, and violent extremes uniformly avoided. Facilities were afforded for the secularisation of friars, and pensions secured to them; and, with regard to the ecclesiastical chapters, the giving away of nominal prebendships, which had not annexed to them the care of souls, was suspended.

Finally, to the branch of finances the Cortes devoted particular attention. This important object was divided into two principal parts: viz. the system of taxes, and the liquidation of the public debt. The first presented great difficulties; the confused and bewildered state of the nation, the debased administration during the time of Charles IV. and the necessity of levying extraordinary imposts for the carrying on of the war, were circumstances which rendered any measures in this respect extremely arduous and perplexing. One of the great inconveniences experienced in the financial department, is to separate from the natural channels a portion of the public riches in order to employ it in a barren manner. When the inevitable evil prevails, the only good that can be done consists in the adoption of means to diminish it, or that the portion so separated be the smallest possible. Unfortunately, the large armed force which the nations of Europe continually kept on foot, and which by its nature is so expensive, requires that the people should be heavily taxed. In Spain, as the enemy went on evacuating the country, ready means and resources were necessary, as well as the immediate establishment of a system of finance. The French had altered the ancient system, in most parts where they had remained; or had modified it according to the exigency of circumstances, independent of many exactions and forced contributions. If the ancient method of levying the taxes had at that time existed, the Cortes would certainly have done best to continue it for some time, notwithstanding its great inconveniences, and to have gradually modified it, considering the great injuries attendant on all sudden changes in matters of finance; but this could not be done, every thing was, in fact, overturned. On the other hand, the organisation of a new system presented great difficulties. The want of statistical data, the wretched state of the inhabitants, and the urgent necessity of adopting some plan or other without delay, did not allow of the introduction of such a system as could have been desired, and which, no doubt, in time would have been carried into effect. Hence was it determined for the moment to adopt a general distribution, under the name of Direct Contribution; which, although extremely burdensome on the inhabitants, owing to the unavoidable inequality in the mode of collecting it, was still more so, owing to the high

rate of assessment rendered indispensable in order to maintain solarge an army on foot. In time, and by the constant meeting of the national Representatives, all would have been improved; the assessment, at the end of the war, would have been decreased; the inequalities would have been less or have entirely disappeared, on the acquisition of better statistical information; and in the larger towns possibly a new order of indirect taxes would have been adopted. The public would also have been satisfied by seeing the accounts of the expenditure, as well as the improvements in the financial department, which were carrying on. Notwithstanding the high and unequal rate of the assessment, the good sense of the inhabitants; who, on the one hand were sensible of the necessity, urgency, and impossibility, for the want of more correct statistical data, of a betterplan, and on the other convinced that every thing was done for the best, and confiding in the zeal and vigilance of their Representatives, induced them to submit willingly and readily to this contribution. The second part of the branch of finance-the liquidation of the public debt-was proceeded in with the utmost deliberation. The Cortes began by acknowledging the whole of the public debt, whatever was its origin and nature, and afterwards created a Committee, called of Public Credit, which was always to be named by the Cortes and act independently of the Treasury. This committee was charged with the property of the clergy, and other funds appli cable to the liquidation of the public debt; and by this means confidence was so much restored that the Vales Reales, or Exchequer bills, immediately acquired a value which they had not borne for many years.

What has already been said may suffice to convey a faithful idea of the great and important labors of the Extraordinary Cortes; but, before we close this subject, it may be proper to say something respecting the great influence some foreigners have incautiously attri buted to the British in the deliberations of the Cortes. In order to do away with their assertions, no more would be necessary than to read the speech of Lord Castlereagh, pronounced in Parliament, in 1816, in which he spoke with so much injustice of the spirit that reigned in the Cortes, and when he applauded the system adopted by the Spanish Ministry at that time. Nevertheless, in confirmation of what has just been said, we shall add certain facts, tending to prove the evident falsity of the charge in question.

Three important negociations were undertaken by the British Ministry with the Cortes, viz. a free trade with the Spanish American possessions; the mediation of that government for the pacification of the revolted provinces beyond seas; and the conferring the command of the Spanish army on the Duke of Wellington. The British government met with no success in the two first applica