that a town, a district, or a country, cæteris paribus, is uniformly more constantly employed and richer, the more populous it is, and in a higher degree ihan the different numbers, calculated at the former rate, would warrant: that the faster population increases, the. more rapid is the increase of employment and wealth, while a stationary condition of population is constantly attended with stagnation and low prices; and, with a decreasing population, there is constantly a diminution of the means of employment and wealth, and a ruinous decay of commercial enterprise : and that the increase of pauperism, which is frequently found in the most populous states, springs not, like the poverty so universal in thinly-peopled countries, front af deficieney of the means of employment, but from the vicious and imprudent habits, which wealth is so apt to generate, and from the great portion of the young, in such states, having employment so early and amply afforded them, as to prevent the formation of the sober, frugal, accumulating habits, necessary to ensure success in life, even in states where there is the greatest abundance of employment,

If these positions be founded on facts and they certainly have the appearance of being so founded—the subsistence theory, and the antipopulation dogmas are contrary to the priuciple of Nature's

proved to ranted, before either your principle of population, or the doctrine of Arthur Young, Sismondi, and others, concerning the impoverishing effects of populousness, can be admitted. But as far as I know, though of the most decisive influence on the great question at issue, they have not yet been distinctly considered either by you or by any other writer who denies the wealth-augmenting influence, which I have endeavoured to show is essentially connected with enes be wealth-augmenting influence

, the increase of population.

I have now only to add, that any observations, which you may reckon the interests of science call upon you to make with respect to these principles and facts, you may rest assured will meet with attentiou, and be considered with candour.

I have the honor to be, Reverend Sir, Camden Town,

Your very obedient Servant, 25th July, 1820.

S, GRAY.

Statistics, that the superiority of the demand over the supply, instead of producing slackness with respect to employment, would teud io create a constant stimulus, and quicken the demand for hands. By raising the prices of the cultivating class very high, it would raise those of other classes also, and augment income, capital, and wealth,” “ " Hap. of States," p. xxx.

My Dear LORD, The uniform integrity and manliness of your Lordship's public conduct, would have induced me to address to you the following observations, on the present national distress, independent of the ties of private friendship. The steadiness and courage with which you have, on all occasions, combated public abuses, give you an irresistible claim to the confidence of all honest

, Englishmen; and it is with extreme satisfaction I have observed your Lordship taking an active share in the deliberations of this most interesting session of Parliament.

In your Letter to Mr. S—your Lordship seems to anticipate some important changes ; and you lament that there is not

; existing, at this present critical moment, any man of sufficient talent and public virtue to take advantage of favorable circumstances, and give them a proper direction for the public benefit a melancholy reflection surely! were it true ; but I trust your Lordship has prejudged the case. I heartily wish indeed, there

I were many more able, honest, and independent public characters than I fear there are ;-but while your Lordship lives, I will not despair. It is an imperfection inherent in all popular governments, that mere loquacity ensures to its possessors a degree of influence in public affairs, often vastly disproportionate to their real desert. It is possible, however, that the importance of this faculty, great as it is, may be overrated; for there cannot be a doubt,

1 that in political as in other affairs, a sound judgment is greatly preferable to a brilliant fancy ; and that in public as in private life, honesty is always the best policy.

One of the most surprising features of these eventful times, is the apathy and torpor which seem to pervade the men of rank and landed property.

One would have thought, that were they too indolent or too selfish to stand up like their bold ancestors in their country's cause, they would at least have stood up for their own estates. One would have thought that a tithe of the present calamity would have called forth public meetings, in every county, town, and parish, from Berwick to Penzance. But scarce an individual seems disposed to stir, or to encounter the odium of avowing in public those unpleasant truths on the present state of the country, which all are forced to lament in private. The lower orders are thus unfortunately left to the impulse of their own passions and indiscretion, without the salutary checks and counterpoise of property, education, and experience. The consequence is too obvious to require illustration.

Is there no country party now-a-days, my Lord ?-no association as in former times, of independent county members ? —no foxhunting squires of the ancient breed? There surely is yet a remnant. But the echo of Jacobinism still scares them at every thing bearing the most distant resemblance to reform of abuses; and the redoubted name of Hunt, and his Spafields mob, will charm them to stand motionless and mute, while their whole estates are quietly transferred to the loanmongers, Jews, and money scriveners of Change-alley. It is indeed, well nigh come to this already. And if they do not bestir themselves—and that quickly scarce a man of them will be able, seven years hence, to keep a hound or a horse, or the roof upon his father's house.

Such has been the effect of the measures pursued by government, during the war, that the short-sighted and credulous landholders have absolutely been stript of half their property within these twenty years; for the purpose, it would seem, of protecting the fundholders, płacemen, and others, whose property, pensions, and offices, were considered peculiarly vulnerable, by enemies from without or from within ; and who now, when this purpose is answered, have contrived, as it would seem, to throw the whole cost and burthen of that war which was undertaken chiefly for their protection, on the shoulders of the landed interest. And what renders the sacrifice doubly galling—these very fundholders, placemen, and capitalists; who have, through the generous devotion of the landed interest, been saved from destruction; have not only come out of the struggle virtually without loss, but absolutely with an increase of their efficient income and property, to the amount, in many cases, of fifty per cent. !

Is it possible, my Lord, while the landed interest are 'crushed into their native earth, and through their ruin, the whole of the industrious classes are verging to starvation, that these men, who

a

have reaped where they sowed not ; or who, at least, have reaped ten per cent, where only five were agreed on ; shall not now be called on for some small return of kind offices-for some acknowledgment of their unbargained for and excessive gains, acquired by the ruin of their fellow subjects ? Impossible, one would think. Yet, when I' observe with what pertinacity Ministers cling to the monied interest; what affection they bear on all occasions to these men of gold, or rather of paper; with what perfect composure they still affect to disbelieve the very existence almost, of that appalling dietress, which harrows up the feelings of other men; I cannot but fear, they will still go on in the old way, doing nothing-anxious only to carry on the delusion a little and a little longer-until the baseless fabric burst upon their heads like a thunder clap, and bury them, and all of us, in one common ruin.

When I see, moreover, not only the Ministers of the day, but those likewise who would be ministers, so prodigal of their solicitude for the monied interest,, the national faith, and public credit, and so

lit," and so forth Las if no faith, nor feeling, nor justice, nor mercy, were due to any but fundholders—I confess I almost give up the matter as lost. It is lamentable to see how perfectly the two great political parties, so hostile to each other on all other subjects, are agreed on this —the sacrifice of their country's dearest interest to their own ambitious views; the one striving to keep in place, the other to get into place, through the favor and support of the monied interest. P-V3.

Politicans by trade, of whatever party, are absolute slaves to those sons of Mammon. Hard, it must be confessed, are the ternis of their bondage, and if any remnant of spirit or manliness is left, they will yet, I trust, resolutely emancipate themselves from the golden chains they have so long and so degradingly worn.

But to return to the public distress and its causes ; about which so much has been said, yet so little explained to any man's satisfaction. ---And here, again, I cannot help observing, what a wonderful shyness there is amongst all political parties, in coming to the point on this very tender subject; well aware how unwelcome the very name of it mụst bé, to the ears of their jealous and insatiable masters, the Bank Directors. Various trifting and accessory causes of distress, are therefore again and again detailed with scrupulous minuteness ; while the great cause of all, compared with which the rest

e insignificant, is either studiously kept out of sight, or stoutly denied altogether :- I meant the recent alteration in the current medium or measure of value. -5.

To this cause alone, and its immediate consequences, twothirds of all the distress we now endure is unquestionbly 'owing. By this cause alone, two-thirds of the community have been