Fellow-citizens, we must sometimes be tolerant to folly, and patient at the sight of the extreme waywardness of men; but I confess that, when I reflect on the renown of our past history, on our present prosperity and greatness, and on what the future hath yet to unfold, and when I see that there are men who can find in all this nothing good, nothing valuable, nothing truly glorious, I feel that all their reason has fled away from them, and left the entire control over their judgment and their actions to insanity and fanaticism; and more than all, fellow-citizens, if the purposes of fanatics and disunionists should be accomplished, the patriotic and intelligent of our generation would seek to hide themselves from the scorn of the world, and go about to find dishonorable graves.

Fellow-citizens, take courage; be of good cheer. We shall come to no such ignoble end. We shall live, and not die. During the period allotted to our several lives, we shall continue to rejoice in the return of this anniversary. The illomened sounds of fanaticism will be hushed; the ghastly spectres of Secession and Disunion will disappear, and the enemies of united constitutional liberty, if their hatred cannot be appeased, may prepare to have their eyeballs seared as they behold the steady flight of the American eagle, on his burnished wings, for years and years to come.

President Fillmore, it is your singularly good fortune to perform an act such as that which the earliest of your predecessors performed fifty-eight years ago. You stand where he stood; you lay your hand on the corner stone of a building designed greatly to extend that whose corner stone he laid. Changed, changed is every thing around. The same sun, indeed, shone upon his head which now shines upon yours. The same broad river rolled at his feet, and bathes his last resting-place, that now rolls at yours. But the site of this city was then mainly an open field. Streets and avenues have since been laid out and completed, squares and public grounds enclosed and ornamented, until the city which bears his name, although comparatively inconsiderable in numbers and wealth, has become quite fit to be the seat of government of a great and united people.

Sir, may the consequences of the duty which you per

form so auspiciously to-day equal those which flowed from his act. Nor this only; may the principles of your administration, and the wisdom of your political conduct, be such, as that the world of the present day, and all history hereafter, may be at no loss to perceive what example you have made your study.

And now, fellow-citizens, with hearts void of hatred, envy, and malice towards our own countrymen, or any of them, or towards the subjects or citizens of other governments, or towards any member of the great family of man; but exulting, nevertheless, in our own peace, security, and happiness, in the grateful remembrance of the past, and the glorious hopes of the future, let us return to our homes, and with all humility and devotion offer our thanks to the Father of all our mercies, political, social, and religious.

TO MESSRS. JOHN HAVEN AND OTHERS, OF PORTSMOUTH, NEW HAMPSHIRE.

Washington, January 3, 1844.

GENTLEMEN, -I have received your letter requesting permission to present my name to the people as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, subject to the future wise, deliberate action of the Whig National Convention of 1844.

It would be disingenuous to withhold an expression of the grateful feelings awakened by a letter, containing such a request, so very numerously signed, and coming from among those who have known me through life. No one can be insensible to the distinction of being regarded by any respectable number of his fellow-citizens as among those from whom a choice of President might be made with honor and safety to the country. The office of President is an office, the importance of which cannot be too highly estimated. He who fills it necessarily exercises a great influence, not only on all the domestic interests of the country, on its foreign relations, and the support of its honor and character among the nations of the earth, but on that which is of the

very highest import to the happiness of the people, the maintenance of the Constitution itself, and the prosperous continuance of the government under it.

Our systems are peculiar; and while capable, as experience has shown, of producing the most favorable results, under a wise and cautious administration, they are, nevertheless, exposed to peculiar dangers.

We have six and twenty States, each possessing within itself powers of government, limited only by the Constitution of the United States; and we have a general government, to which are confided high trusts, to be exercised for the benefit of the people of all the States. It is obvious that this division of powers, itself the result of a novel and most delicate political operation, can be preserved only by the exercise of wisdom and pure patriotism. The Constitution of the United States stands on the basis of the people's choice. It must remain on that basis so long as it remains at all. The veneration and love which are entertained for it will be increased by every instance of wise, prudent, impartial, and parental administration.

On the other hand, they will be diminished by every administration which shall cherish local divisions, devote itself to local interests, seek to bend the influence of the government to personal or partisan purposes, or which shall forget that all patriotism is false and spurious which does not look with equal eye to the interests of the whole country, and all its parts, present and to come. I hardly know what an American statesman should so much deprecate, on his own account, as well as on account of his country, as that the Constitution of the United States, now the glory of our country and the admiration of the world, should become weakened in its foundations, perverted in its principles, or fallen and sunk in a nation's regard and a nation's hopes, by his own follies, errors, or mistakes. The Constitution was made for the good of the country; this the people know. Its faithful administration promotes that good; this the people know. The people will themselves defend it against all foreign powers, and all open force, and they will rightfully hold to a just and solemn account those to whom they

may commit it, and in whose hands it shall be found to be shorn of a single beam of its honor, or deprived of a particle of its capacity for usefulness. It was made for an honest people, and they expect it to be honestly administered. At the present moment, it is an object of general respect, confidence, and affection. Questions have arisen, however, and are likely to arise again, upon the extent of its powers, or upon the line which separates the functions of the general government from those of the State governments; and these questions will require, whenever they may occur, not only firmness, but much discretion, prudence, and impartiality, at the hand of the national executive. Extreme counsels or extreme opinions on either side would be very likely, if followed or adopted, to break up the well-adjusted balance of the whole. And he who has the greatest confidence in his own judgment, or the strongest reliance on his own good fortune, may yet be well diffident of his ability to discharge the duties of his trust in such a manner as shall prevent the public prosperity, or advance his own reputation.

But, Gentlemen, while the office of President is quite too high to be sought by personal solicitation, or for private ends and objects, it is not to be declined, if proffered by the voluntary desire of a free people.

It is now more than thirty years since you and your fellow-citizens of New Hampshire assigned me a part in political affairs. My public conduct since that period is known. My opinions on the great questions now most interesting to the country are well known. The constitutional principles which I have endeavored to maintain are also known. If these principles and these opinions, now not likely to be materially changed, should recommend me to further marks of public regard and confidence, I should not withhold myself from compliance with the general will.

But I have no pretensions of my own to bring forward, and trust that no friends of mine would, at any time, use my name for the purpose of preventing harmony among those whose general political opinions concur, or for any cause whatever but a conscientious regard to the good of the country. It is obvious, Gentlemen, that, at the pres

ent moment, the tendency of opinion among those to be represented in the convention is generally and strongly set in another direction. I think it my duty, therefore, under existing circumstances, to request those who may feel a preference for me not to indulge in that preference, nor oppose any obstacle to the leading wishes of political friends, or to united and cordial efforts for the accomplishment of those wishes.

The election of the next autumn must involve, in general, the same principles, and the same questions, that belonged to that of 1840. The cause I conceive to be the true cause of the country, its permanent prosperity, and all its great interests; the cause of its peace and honor; the cause of good government, true liberty, and the preservation and integrity of the Constitution; and none should despair of its success. I am, Gentlemen, with sentiments of sincere regard, your obliged and obedient servant,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

TO MESSRS. WILLIAM KINNEY AND OTHERS, OF STAUNTON, VIRGINIA.

Washington, November 23, 1850. GENTLEMEN, On my arrival in this city last evening, I had the pleasure of receiving your communication of the 7th instant. It is a refreshing, an encouraging, and a patriotic letter. You speak the sentiments which become the people of the great and ancient Commonwealth of Virginia. You speak as Wythe and Pendleton, Jefferson, Marshall, and Madison would speak were they yet among us. You speak of the union of these States; and what idea can suggest more lively emotion in the minds of the American people, of present prosperity, past renown, and future hopes? Gladly would I be with you, Gentlemen, on the proposed occasion, and, as one of your countrymen and fellow-citizens, assure you of my hearty sympathy with you in the opinions which you express, and my unchangeable purpose to cooperate with you and other good men in upholding the honor of the States and the Constitution of the government. How happy should I be to present myself in Virginia, west