44 TURKEY. bushy gray beard and hair, clear aquiline profile, strong, deeply recessed, grayish-blue eyes, with an expressive, half-smiling, half-sneering mouth. The figure of the aged Arctic voyager in Millais's celebrated picture, "The Northwest Passage," is a portrait of Trelawney; but it does not fairly represent the character and bearing of the man, which seemed more like the stern old type of the Scandinavian seapirate-a pirate, perchance, charmed into humanity and gentleness by the spiritual beauty of Shelley's genius. Certainly no Norse king ever had a more powerful voice or hand. To the end he wore neither overcoat nor flannel under-clothing, and had never, so he said, been sick. He died, at last, without disease, simply from old age-the sole survivor, save one, of the group of friends who were the companions of Byron and Shelley at Spezzia sixty years ago. That one is Shelley's Jane, to whom those fine lines of his last year, "The Recollection," and "Jane with a Guitar," were addressed. She still lives, and has been twice married, her first husband, Captain Williams, having been lost with Shelley. Many years afterward his widow married Mr. Hogg, Shelley's first and most intimate friend, who left Oxford in disgust when the gifted author of Queen Mab" was expelled. In Trelawney's house, among his most highly prized treasures, hung the guitar which Shelley bought at Pisa and presented to Mrs. Williams with the exquisite verses. It long hung on his librarywall, mute and with broken strings, but the cause of melody which will continue to echo through many centuries to come. Some months before his death Captain Trelawney expressed a wish that his body should be burned, and that his ashes should be buried at Rome, by the side of those of Shelley. Accordingly, after his death, cremation not being permitted in England, his body was embalmed and placed in a zinc coffin, in which it was removed to Gotha, Germany, where it was burned, fourteen days after his death. A week later his ashes were laid in their last resting-place, in the Protestant Cemetery at Rome, near those of his friends, Shelley, the poet Keats, and the artist Joseph Severn. The twin monuments over the two latter were unveiled in March, 1882, on which occasion William W. Story, the American sculptor, rendered a fitting tribute to the four friends, of whom Trelawney was the last survivor. He had no surviving children, and Mrs. Trelawney died many years ago, after which event his household was presided over by an adopted niece, Miss Emma Taylor, to whom Trelawney left all his property, including many valuable souvenirs of Shelley, Keats, and Lord Byron. TURKEY. The Eastern question entered upon a new phase after the accession of the Liberal ministry in England. The triangular antagonisms of Russian, Austrian, and British interests and ambitions in the Balkan Peninsula became acute, and the European concert was at an end. The other great powers were With the assistance of the energetic Prussian agent, Wettendorf, the Turkish Government, by stripping the Ottoman subjects of their last possessions and collecting the taxes for 1881 and 1882 in advance, had, by the beginning of 1881, scraped together the means of maintaining an effective army of 100,000 men. The Porte pursued its old policy in the Greek boundary question of temporizing and delaying, hoping that the conflicting interests of the great powers would again break up the European concert. The Sultan differed greatly, in his strong will and active mind, from his predecessors, and was prepared to defend, with Turkish obstinacy and Mohammedan fanaticism, the Ottoman power in Europe. The old ally of the Sultan, Great Britain, seemed ready to give the signal for Greece to seize Epirus and Thessaly, for the Albanians to throw off the Turkish yoke, and for the Bulgarians to descend upon Roumelia. The Austro-German alliance was alone interested in preserving the status quo. The Gambettists, in France, were disposed to seize the opportunity which the general conflagration would afford, for again acquiring for their country a controlling position in the councils of Europe. The majority of the French Cabinet, on the other hand, were will ing to listen to the counsels of Germany, and when Bismarck assured them that the French occupation of Tunis would be approved, with or without the leave of England, France came forward as the spokesman of the powers desirous of maintaining the status quo in the singularly phrased note of Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, dated December 24, 1880. In this document the dangers threatening the peace of Europe were depicted in somber colors. Greece, in demanding the fulfillment of the Berlin protocol, was blamed for frivolously attempting to provoke a European war without having any just basis for her demands, and the cue was given to Turkey to continue her refusals, by describing the terms of the protocol as simply the advice of the powers to Turkey, and not an arbitration of the question. When the French Government reminded the English Cabinet of the promised acquiescence of their predecessors in the annexation of Tunis, the English ministers sought to involve the French in a difficulty with the Porte, by declaring that Tunis stood under the suzerainty of the Sultan. The remedy proposed by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, for the dangers of the situation, was a court of arbitration. The Greeks refused to submit their claims a second time to arbitration, and made preparations ostentatiously for the invasion of Epirus and Thessaly, at the end of March. Turkey fortified Arta, Yanina, and the historical passes which lead from Greece into the Thessalian plain, sank torpedoes in the Dardanelles strait, and called the redifs to their colors, but withheld from hostilities, although able to crush the presumptuous Greeks. Both were in the hands of Europe, but, while Greece was seek ing to obtain a better settlement by threats of war and a display of national spirit and military ardor, Turkey took the strong defensive ground left open to her by the French note, and expressed a willingness to make concessions in order to preserve peace and satisfy Europe. A compromise had already been offered by the Porte, in the note of October 3, 1880, in explicit terms. A circular note was sent out by Assim Pasha on the 14th of January, in which the six signatory powers were invited, in view of the dangers to the peace of Europe and the critical relations between Turkey and Greece, resulting from the precipitate armament of the Greeks, to authorize their representatives in Constantinople to confer with the Sublime Porte on the question. The proposal was accepted by the powers, and the conference between the embassadors and the ministers of the Porte resulted in an arrangement which was laid before the Greek Government on the 8th of April. The Greeks accepted this very advantageous settlement under protest, and with the threat that they would redeem the rest of the territory to which they laid claim at the first opportunity. The powers declared that they would assist in carrying out the stipulations of the convention, and make it their own affair that the Porte should not evade the agreement. The districts of Larissa, Volo, and Trikhala, in Thessaly, and Arta and Punta in Epirus, were ceded to Greece. The territory comprised 265 square miles, including a great part of the fertile plains of Thessaly, and contained 388,000 inhabitants, among them 48,000 Mohammedans. The evacuation took place by zones, and was concluded by the transfer of Volo on November 14th. Military commissioners of the powers supervised the operations. A dispute occurred at the last moment concerning the stipulation that the boundary should follow the water-partings, which the commissioners took to mean the crest of the mountains, but which the Porte insisted on having construed literally. (For particulars of the negotiations, see GREECE.) The Tunisian affair, and afterward the Egyptian difficulty, gave the Sultan occasion to make an empty protest of his nominal sovereignty in those lost regencies. This course was favored by England for reasons of policy. Since the time of Lord Palmerston the Government of England, when in Liberal hands, has been accustomed to shield its interests in North Africa against the aggressions of other powers behind the fiction of the suzerainty of the Sultan. Abdul-Hamid, however, in asserting his legal rights as lord paramount, though supported by Lord Granville, who was a pupil of Palmerston in diplomacy, was actuated by the Panislamic aspirations to which his mind was doubly susceptible through his religious character and his personal ambition. A formal correspondence was carried on with France regarding her interference in Tunis, and the undeniable legal TURKEY. proofs of the Sultan's suzerain relations to the Bey were given; but no power gave effective support to the demand, and nothing resulted but a coolness between France and the Porte. The Sultan sent two commissioners on a secret mission into Egypt, of his own motion, during the crisis, but they were soon recalled. There were signs of a rapprochement between the Khedive and the Sultan, but the idea of placing himself under the protection of the Sultan and becoming again a vassal could only have been entertained for a moment by the Viceroy. The reign of Abdul-Hamid is characterized by an extreme departure from the methods of government which have prevailed at Stamboul. This ambitious, energetic, and devout Sultan has undertaken the personal direction of all the affairs of the empire. The Sublime Porte, which has been the governing body for centuries, is entirely effaced; the ministers are divested of all authority and reduced to the position of simple clerks, and everything hangs upon the word of Abdul-Hamid. The consequence is, that the secret and irregular influences, which were formerly powerful enough in the minor departments of public life to seriously interfere with the proper workings of government, now control the whole administration. The Sultan, though possessing an acute and active mind, is entirely wanting in the calm judgment, a definite policy, and resolute purpose which are requisite for the course he has chosen. He has discarded the organization by which the government has been carried on, and has established no other effective system. By resorting to irregular methods, he has no regular and reliable sources of information or instruments for carrying out his resolves. The result is endless confusion, vacillation, contradiction, and cross-purposes. The fear of conspiracy and assassination has possessed his mind for a year or two, and an easy means of gaining favor with Abdul-Hamid has been the familiar device of pretending to unearth some desperate revolutionary or murderThe disastrous delay ous plot against him. in carrying out the provisions of the Beriin Treaty in the Greek and Montenegro boundary adjustments; the alternate encouragement and repression of the Albanian movement, which has exhausted the loyalty of that brave and vigorous race; the impotent assertion of suzerainty in Egypt and Morocco; and the fomentation of the hopeless Panislamic propaganda, which make the Porte the tool of European diplomatists and Oriental intriguers, to the prejudice of the best interests of Turkey-all originated with Abdul-Hamid. Officials of all grades are constantly being changed about or dismissed by order of the Sultan. Many young and inexperienced persons have superseded old officers. This active interference in the administrative departments is due largely to the Sultan's earnest desire to root out the abuses and corruption of the Turkish administration, but produces greater confusion and inefficiency. Ministers were dismissed for unknown causes A fruit of the continuous dread of revolu- The methods by which the money was raised to support the large military forces which were held in readiness at the sea-ports and in the Greek provinces, were of the most various description. The bankers of Galata would make no advances without guarantees, which the Government was unable to give. The people were stripped of their stores, and even of their utensils, wherever the authority of the Sultan was still enforced. The produce was reckoned at only one third its marketable value, but no more than its value reached the treasury. In Constantinople, where the privileges of the harem facilitated the concealment of valuable personality, the real-estate tax was levied for three years in advance in the form of a forced loan at ten per cent interest, and a poll-tax was imposed on every male inhabitant in three classes-one Turkish pound (= $4.30), one half a pound, and twenty piasters (one piaster 4:3 cents). 1=1 The plundering system of public finance is one of the chief causes of the dissolution of the Turkish Empire. The burdens of the Russian wars, the commercial privileges exacted by the European nations after they got Turkey in their grasp, and the exorbitant profits of the European and Greek money-lenders and financial go-betweens, all combined, have not been as exhaustive as the financial drain on the resources of the people caused by the legal and illegal extortions of the effendi officials. The Mohammedan races are beginning to long for release from the yoke of the sultanate as earnestly as the Christians; and when the belief that the Sultan is powerless in the hands of the Giaours, to which the frequent intervention of the powers has given rise, once becomes settled, then the reverence for the Caliph will vanish, and the last prop full from under the Ottoman Empire. The creditors of the Turkish Government organized an onset, under the auspices of British diplomacy, for the purpose of obtaining substantial guarantees for the payment of the interest and principal of their bonds. A meeting of the largest bondholders was held in London, and a committee appointed to go to Constantinople and secure or obtain the acceptance of a scheme of liquidation. The committee suggested to the Porte that certain revenues should be reserved for the payment of the interest. It was proposed to apply the receipts from customs and monopolies to this object. The Turkish Government raised no serious objections; but the creditors found, on examining the matter, that there were no assets in the Treasury. Russia raised an objection to the appropriation of the Bulgarian tribute to this purpose, claiming that it was reserved for the payment of the war indemnity. The committee finally proposed that the supervision of the collection of the taxes and the general administration of specific provinces be given to them. This was tantamount to the system of comptrol introduced in Egypt. Russia, to checkmate any design of the British Government to establish such an administrative control in any part of Turkey, now made a formal demand that terms should definitely be made for the payment of the Russian war indemnity of £35,000,000, and proposed, in lieu of other guarantees, to administer some province of Turkey-Armenia, for example-and collect the taxes for the payment of her claim. The first question which came up between the bondholders and the Porte was the amount of the debt. The amount of the funded debt is £191,000,000, without deducting the portions which fall to the share of Greece and the detached provinces. The Porte demanded that the interest should be reckoned only on the portion which properly belongs to Turkey, which is £165,000,000. The conclusion of the negotiations was an agreement of the Porte to place certain revenues at the disposition of the bondholders, and to allow them a portion of the proceeds of the salt and tobacco monopolies. The nominal value of the debt was scaled down to about £100,000,000, some of the loans being reckoned at fifty per cent or less of their face value, to wit, the Dette Générale and the lottery loan, while the loan of 1873 was rated at 551 per cent of its nominal value. The interest to be paid on the reduced nominal value of the debt was fixed at a maximum rate of four per cent, and the maximum annual reduction of principal at one per cent. The specifications of the agreement are to be executed under the direction of an administrative council representing the bondholders at Constantinople. The Albanian League, which constituted the rebel organization, first appeared on the scene during the negotiations preceding the Treaty of San Stefano in 1878. The Mussulman Arnauts of the Sandjak of Prizrend, perturbed at the prospect of the enlargement of Montenegro, Servia, and Bulgaria at the expense of Albania, met to consider what course they would take. The heads of the clans took the national oath-the Vessa-together in April, that no acts of bloodrevenge would be committed, and all quarrels should have a truce till St. Demetrius's Day; that every clan should get together sufficient quantities of arms, munitions, and provisions, and that for the present no recruits should be furnished to the Government or taxes paid. In Prizrend a grand council of all the chiefs was held, and the constitution of the League was drawn up and signed by forty-seven Mussulman delegates, calling themselves the Committee of National Defense. This document stated that the League was formed for the purpose of defending the integrity of the national territory, and of excluding every government except that of the Sublime Porte. The League constituted itself a provisional government, which superseded the authority of the Sultan where necessary. All who opposed its purposes, and all who deserted it, were threatened with panishment. Some conflicts followed upon the movements of this League, and much excite ment, but no important results were effected. UNITED STATES. The Administration of President Hayes was closed without special incident. A Cabinet change took place near the beginning of the year, in consequence of the resignation of Secretary Thompson, of the Navy Department, to accept the position of American representative of the Panama Canal Company. His successor was Nathan Goff, Jr., of Virginia. Justice Swayne, of the Supreme Court, having retired from the bench, Mr. Stanley Matthews, of Ohio, was appointed as his successor, but failed of confirmation before the close of the regular session of Congress, in consequence of opposition in the Senate. The calling of a special session of the Senate, to begin on the 4th of March, and the veto of the funding bill, on the last day of the Fortysixth Congress, were the only other incidents worthy of note. The inauguration of General Garfield, on the 4th of March, was attended with an unusual military and civic display, and took place in the Senate-chamber, in the presence of the two Houses of Congress, the Justices of the Supreme Court, diplomatic representatives of other nations, and a large concourse of visitors. Before the oath of office was administered, the President-elect was introduced by Senator Pendleton, and delivered his inaugural address. At his right, on the platform, sat Chief-Justice Waite; on his left, ex-President Hayes; and, behind him, Mrs. Hayes, the wife and venerable mother of the new President, and VicePresident-elect Arthur. The address was as follows: FELLOW-CITIZENS: We stand to-day upon an eminence which overlooks a hundred years of national life, a century crowded with perils, but crowned with triumphs of liberty and law. Before continuing our onward march, let us pause on this height for a moment to strengthen our faith and renew our hope by a glance at the pathway along which our people have traveled. It is now three days more than a hundred years since the adoption of the first written Constitution of the United States, and the Articles of Confederation, and perpetual Union. The new republic was then beset with danger on every hand. It had not conquered a place in the family of nations. The decisive battle of the war for independence, whose centennial anniversary will soon be gratefully celebrated at Yorktown, had not yet been fought. The colonists were struggling not only against the armies of a great nation, but against the settled opinions of mankind, for the world did not then believe that the supreme authority of the government could be safely intrusted to the guardianship of the people them selves. We can not overestimate the fervent love of liberty, intelligent courage, and saving common sense with which our fathers made the great experiment of self-government. When they found, after a short trial, that the confederation of States was too weak to meet the necessity of a vigorous and expanding republic, they boldly set it aside, and in its stead established a national Union, founded directly upon the will of the people, endowed with full powers of selfpreservation and with ample authority for the accom U plishment of its great objects. Under this Constitution the boundaries of freedom have been enlarged, the foundations of order and peace have been strengthened, and the growth of our people in all the better elements of national life has indicated the wisdom of its founders, and given new hope to their descendants. Under this Constitution her people long ago made themselves safe against danger from without, and seon all the seas. cured for their mariners and flag equality of rights Under the Constitution, twenty-five States have been added to the Union, with constitutions and laws framed and enforced by their own citizens to secure the manifold blessings of local selfgovernment. The jurisdiction of this Constitution now covers an area fifty times greater than that of the original thirteen States, and population twenty times greater than that of 1780. The supreme trial of the Constitution came at last under the tremendous pressUnion emerged from the blood and fire of that conure of civil war. We ourselves are witnesses that the flict purified and made stronger for all beneficent purposes of good government; and now, at the close of this first century of growth, with inspirations of its history in their hearts, our people have lately viewed the condition of the nation, passed judgment upon the conduct and opinions of political parties, and have registered their will concerning the future administration of the Government. To interpret and to execute that will in accordance with the Constitution, is this brief review, it is manifest that the nation is the paramount duty of the Executive. Even from resolutely facing the front, resolved to employ the best energies in developing the great possibilities of the future, sacredly preserving whatever has been gained to liberty and a good Government during the century. Our people are determined to leave behind them all these bitter controversies concerning things which have been irrevocably settled, and further discussion of which can only stir up strife and delay their onward march. The supremacy of the nation and its laws should be no longer subject of debate. That discussion, which for a half century threatened the existence of the Union, was closed at last in the high court of war, by a decree from which there is no appeal, that the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof are, and shall continue to be, the supreme law of the land, binding alike upon the States and the people. This decree does not disturb the autonomy of the States or interfere with any of their necessary rights of local government, but it does fix and establish the permanent supremacy of the Union. The will of the nation, speaking with the vehemence of battle and through an amended Constitution, has fulfilled the great promise of 1776 by proclaiming liberty throughout the land to all the inhabitants thereof. The elevation of the negro race from slavery to the full rights of citizenship is the most important political change we have known since the adoption of the Constitution of 1787. No thoughtful man can fail to appreciate its beneficial effects upon our institutions and the people. It has freed us from the perpetual danger of war and dissolution; it has added immensely to the moral and industrial forces of our people; it has liberated master as well as slave from the relation which wronged and enfeebled both. It has surrendered to their own guardianship the manhood of more than five millions of people, and has opened to each one of them a career of freedom and usefulness. It has given a new inspiration to the power of self-help in both races by making labor more honorable to the one and more necessary to the other. The influence of this force will grow greater, and bear richer fruit with coming years. No doubt the great change has caused serious disturbance to |