the burning of Rome by the Gauls. It is sufficient to say, that having been foiled in their attempt to scale the capitol, their numbers having been thinned by pestilence, but chiefly on account of an irruption of the Veneti into their own territory, they agreed to quit the Roman city on condition of receiving from the Romans 1000 (or 2000) pounds of gold, of being furnished during their march with provisions by the Romans and their allies, of the Romans ceding them a portion of their territory, and of leaving in their new town a gate always open, in memory of the Gallic conquest.

For twenty-three years after this event, the Gauls, having repulsed the Venetians, were kept at home by internal feuds. But in 366 B. C, they resumed their roving habits, and made several incursions into Latium and Campania, in one of which Sulpicius, the Roman dictator, by a cautious system of tactics, succeeded in routing them. This defeat intimidated them for a few years, till in 350 B. C. they appeared on Mount Albano, from which position they were enticed by the consul Popilius Lænas, and vanquished with great slaughter. The Gauls retired to Mount Albano, and encamped there for the winter; but the Romans were content to let them retire under a treaty for three years, which was changed into a peace that lasted for half a century. In the year 299 B. C. a body of Transalpine Gauls crossed the Alps, and sought to obtain a territory in Etruria. After some negociations, a league was formed with the Gauls, by the chief nations of northern and central Italy, the Etruscans, Samnites, and Umbrians, against Rome. The consuls Fabius and Decius succeeded in dividing this powerful combination, and defeated the Gallo-Samnite army at Sentinum with a loss to the enemy, which Diodorus reckons at 100,000, and Livy at 25,000 men. The Romans had till this time been fighting with the Gauls for existence; they now fought for glory and plunder. After some reverses, an army of the Senones and Boii was defeated by Dolabella, the whole Senonese nation exterminated, a Roman colony planted at Sena, and Drusus brought back to Rome the gold which had been paid to the Senones at the siege of the capitol.

The passage of Transalpine Gauls into Italy, just mentioned, appears to have been caused by the migration of the Cymric tribe of the Belgae to the west of the Rhine. In consequence of this pressure, the Tectosagi left Gaul by the Hercynian Forest, and found in the valley of the Danube their kinsmen, who had emigrated by the same route under Sigovesus, swelled into large nations stretching as far as the mountains of Epirus, Macedon, and Thrace. Some of these Celts had sent ambassadors to

Alexander the Great during his expedition against Thrace: but they were not mixed in the politics of Greece till the time of Antigonus, who hired some Danubian Gauls to serve in his army, but found them more dangerous as friends than as foes. The Gauls of Illyria and Ponia, having thus learnt the weakness of Greece and their own strength, and being aided by the new comers from Gaul, and headed by their Brenn or chieftain, planned an invasion of Greece by three points. One detachment was to pass through eastern, another through central Macedonia, and the third by the frontiers of Macedonia and Epirus. The latter division, under a leader named Bolg or Belg, first reached its destination, and summoned Ptolemy Ceraunus, then king of Macedon, to pay a sum of money if he wished for peace. Ptolemy, attempting to resist, was defeated and slain; and his kingdom was left an easy prey to the Gauls, who collected in it an immense booty. The left wing, occupied with plundering expeditions in Thrace, did not attempt to form a junction with the rest of the army, and the centre under Brennus was checked by some guerrilla bands, organized by a patriotic Macedonian of low rank. Having retreated, in order to gain recruits during the winter, Brennus, in 280 B. C. entered Macedonia at the head of a formidable army, ravaged the open country, and in the autumn took up his quarters at the north of Olympus. The Greeks were thunderstruck at the near approach of a nation, whose very name, as at Rome, was sufficient to excite a panic fear.

"Ce que savaient," (says M. Thierry,) "à cette époque, les plus savans hommes de la Grèce sur la nation Gauloise se réduisait a quelques informations vagues, defigurées par d'absurdes contes. L'opinion la plus accreditée parmi les érudits plaçait le berceau de cette nation à l'extremité de la terre, au-delà du vent du nord, sur un sol glacé, impuissant à produire des fleurs, des fruits, ou des animaux utiles à l'homme, mais fécond en monstres et en plantes vénéneuses. Un de ces poisons passait pour être si violent, que l'homme ou l'animal atteint dans sa course par une flèche qui en aurait été infectée, tombait mort sur le champ, comme frappé de la foudre. On se plaisait à raconter, touchant les Gaulois, des traits d'audace et de force qui semblaient surnaturels. On disait que, les premiers de tous les mortels après Hercule, ils avaient franchi les Alpes pour aller brûler dans l'Italie une ville Grecque appelée Rome. Cette race indomptable, ajoutait-on, avait declarée la guerre non-seulement au genre humain, mais aux dieux et à la nature; elle prenait les armes contre les tempêtes, la foudre et les tremblemens de terre ; durant le flux et le reflux de la mer, ou les inondations des fleuves, on la voyait s'elancer l'épée à la main au-devant des vagues, pour les traver ou les combattre. Ces récits, propagés par la classe éclairée, couraient de bouche en bouche parmi le peuple, et repandaient un effroi

VOL. X. NO. XIX.

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général, du mont Olympe au promontoire de Ténare."-vol. i. p. 150-152.

The

A defensive league was formed by the principal Greek states to the North of the Peloponnese, and early in the spring their army met at Thermopyla, to resist an enemy more formidable even than the Persians. After an unsuccessful attempt to force the defile, Brennus detached a division to ravage Ætolia, in order to draw off the Etolians from their allies. This expedition, which was attended with every circumstance of the most savage and revolting brutality, answered its purpose: Brennus then turned the Greek army by a path over Mount Oeta, and marched by Elatea to Delphi. The height was scaled, and the temple plundered: but the Gauls, having indulged in their customary debauches, and struck with fear at a thunder storm, which seemed to them the sign of an offended deity, were pursued to their camp with great slaughter by the Greeks. After a disastrous retreat through an enemy's country, the remnants of this undisciplined army were able, with the loss of their general by his own hand, ten thousand wounded men dispatched in cold blood by their comrades, and about twenty-six thousand by the cold or the swords of the Greeks, to reach the northern frontier of Macedonia. Here they separated: some settled under the Scardian chain, and became the nation of Scordiscan Gauls. Tectosagi divided into two bodies; one carried its plunder back to Gaul; the other, with a horde of Tolistoboii and Gaelic Celts, marched, under a leader named Comontorius, towards Thrace. This country was already occupied by the mixed body of Gauls and Teutons, which had formed the left wing of the army of Brennus: and its two chieftains, Leonorius and Lutarius, finding that Thrace was too small a field for so large a number of plunderers, applied to Antipater, now king of Macedonia, for transports to convey their followers to Asia Minor. Some delays arising, the two leaders divided; Lutarius was left at the Thracian Chersonese, where he seized four vessels sent by Antipater to watch his motions, and by degrees landed all his men on the Asiatic coast. Leonorius marched to the Bosporus, and having levied a contribution on the city of Byzantium, was called over to Bithynia by Nicomedes, to assist him in a succession war against his brother Ziboeas. The Gauls of Lutarius were, by the influence of his fellow chieftain, gained to the party of Nicomedes, which thus became triumphant, and the same mercenaries afterwards saved the free towns of the Bosporus from Antiochus, though (as M. Thierry remarks) actuated by no other motive than a love of money. Comontorius and his Gauls had now undisputed possession of Thrace, where, after having

committed every kind of extortion and tyranny, and having imposed exorbitant tributes on the Byzantines, they were, after a century's misrule, exterminated by a general rise of the native population.

Nor had the Asiatic Greeks less reason to repent of their imprudence in calling in the Gauls to settle their civil broils. Asia Minor was conquered, and divided into three parts, according to the three Gallic nations: the Trocmi had the Hellespont and the Troad, the Tolistoboii took Eolis and Ionia, while the inland country west of Mount Taurus, as far as the sea to the south, fell to the share of the Tectosagi. The conquering system of the Gauls was not like that of the Greeks, Carthaginians, and Romans, to eject the native population from the towns, to form a governing class or aristocracy of their own citizens, among whom all the lands were divided, and to degrade the ancient proprietors and citizens to the rank of bond slaves or serfs, who paid a tribute to their new landlords in the shape of rent. The Gauls neither dispossessed the inhabitants, nor even regularly occupied the country. Each horde either remained encamped in the field and lived in fortified villages, or roved about the country with their flocks and herds, ready to quell any attempts at an insurrection. With the towns they interfered no further than to force them to pay large tributes; the civil government, whatever that might be, remained untouched. In this manner the Gauls preserved their military habits. Their easy life, derived from the contributions of others, encouraged population and attracted new comers, and they were thus able to make all the towns of Asia Minor, and even the kings of Syria, their tributaries. But if they had followed the surer policy of the Greeks,-if, like the Spartans, they had formed a class of subjects and a class of slaves, and imposed a tribute on both,-had themselves seized all the strong places, and concentrated into one town a stationary oligarchy of their own race, bound by the strictest rules of military discipline, alone forming the strength of the army, and alone able to act in concert, though at first more exertion and activity would have been required to secure their dominion, and the tributes would have been less productive, they might have been able to perpetuate their dominion, and leave a valuable inheritance to their descendants. As it was, not having ejected the rightful owners, they gained no title by prescription-they never ceased to be intruders; and when the day of retribution did come, they were easily separated from the soil into which they had never struck their roots. "Quicquid plantatur solo, solo sedet," says the maxim of our law a lesson full of importance to the makers of revolutions; for if the lands of the dispossessed class, whether nobles

or clergy, are divided amongst a large number of new proprietors, their restoration to the ancient possessors by a counter-revolution is a matter of great difficulty. The neglect of this caution has enabled the regular and secular clergy of Spain to regain their enormous estates which had been sequestered in the revolution of 1821.*

The first check which the Gauls received in Asia Minor was in 233 B. C., from Antiochus, King of Syria, who, for this good deed, was called the Saviour (Eng) by his grateful subjects. But the wars in the East, which soon followed, allowed the Gauls to recover; they spread in great numbers over Asia, and were employed as mercenaries by all the Asiatic kings and free towns, and even by the Ptolemies, one of whom was nearly deprived of Lower Egypt by a garrison of Gauls quartered at Memphis. This is the most southern point to which any considerable Celtic force is known to have penetrated. In 243 B. C., Eumenes, the Prince of Pergamus, assisted by the Gauls, defeated Antiochus, who bequeathed to his son Attalus the accomplishment of his patriotic designs. Attalus succeeded in driving the Tolistoboii and Trocmi from the Troad beyond the chain of Taurus; and these two tribes, together with the Tectosagi, settled on the south-eastern shore of the Euxine, in a district which now obtained the name of Galatia. After these victories, for which Attalus was almost deified by the Asiatic Greeks, the Gauls ceased to exist in Asia Minor as a separate race and by their mixture with the natives was formed the population known by the name of Gallo-Greeks. When the Gauls had been thus driven within the limits of Upper Phrygia, and forced to adopt sedentary habits, they fell of necessity into the system of a national aristocracy. The state of Galatia was formed of three ranks; first, the Gauls, divided into twelve tetrarchies, each governed by a tetrarch, whose office was elective and temporary. Besides these twelve tetrarchs, who formed the council of state, was another board of 300 members, who acted as a court of justice, and were alone competent to pass sentence of death on a Gaul. Secondly, the Greeks, whose cleverness and activity appear to have procured them a considerable degree of liberty; and the Gauls must have allowed them some civil rights, as they had a sort of national magistrate (called πρῶτος τῶν Ἑλλήνων), who was their representative or patron. The Phrygians, who formed the third subject-class, were reduced to the most complete servitude, and kept distinct both from their masters and fellow-subjects. But in adopting this hateful though effective mode of governing a conquered

See a remark of similar import in Hallam's Constitutional History of England, ch. xviii. on the English plantation in Ulster under James I.