his estate, though victorious over it, did not only spare his life, but entertained him ever after as a king and his companion, shewing therein a true effect of mercy indeed; quæ non causam, sed fortunam spectat.

And herein is the real difference discerned between that behaviour which we call beneficium latronis, and gratiam principis; a thief sometimes sparing the life of him which is in his power, but unjustly; a king that giveth breath, and a continuance of being, to him that was the cause and author of his own evil.

The report made by Xenophon is, that Cyrus did friendly entertain Crœsus at the first sight, not mentioning that which Herodotus delivers, and is here already set down, that he should have been burnt alive. It may well be that Xenophon, pourtraying (in Cyrus) an heroical prince, thought an intent so cruel fitter to be forgotten than rehearsed, as too much misbeseeming a generous nature. And it is very likely, that nearness of alliance might withhold Cyrus (had he been otherwise vicious) from so cruel a purpose against his grandmother's brother. Howsoever it was, the moral part of the story hath given credit and reputation to the report of Herodotus, (as to many the like it often doth,) and made it pass for current, though the trust reposed in Croesus afterwards may seem to argue, that Cyrus did not use him inhumanly at the first.

For as Herodotus himself telleth us, when Cyrus passed with his army over Araxes into Scythia, he left Crœsus to accompany and advise his son Cambyses, governor of the empire in his absence, with whom he lived all the time of Cyrus, and did afterwards follow Cambyses into Egypt, where he hardly escaped his tyrannous hand. What his end was I do not find.

But in this time the races of three of the greatest kings in that part of the world took end, to wit, of the Babylonians, Medians, and Lydians, in Balthasar, Cyaxares, and Crœsus.

SECT. V.

How Cyrus won Babylon.

AFTER this Lydian war ensued the great conquest of

Babylon, which gave unto Cyrus an empire so large and mighty, that he was justly reputed the greatest monarch then living upon earth. How long time the preparations for this great action took up, it is uncertain; only it seems, that ten whole years did pass between his taking those two cities of Sardis and Babylon, which nevertheless I do not think to have been wholly occupied in provision for the Assyrian war, but rather to have been spent in settling the estate which he had already purchased. And hereunto perhaps may be referred that which Ctesias hath in his fragments, of a war made by Cyrus upon the Scythians, though related as foregoing the victory obtained against Croesus. He telleth us, that Cyrus invaded Scythia, and, being victorious over that nation, took Amorges their king prisoner: but being in a second battle overthrown by the wife of Amorges, Sparetha, and therein taken, the one king was delivered for the other.

Likewise it may be thought that no small part of those troubles which arose in the Lower Asia, grew soon after the departure of the victorious army, before the conquest was fully established.

For after Cyrus was returned out of Asia the Less, many nations, conquered formerly by Croesus, and now by Cyrus, revolted from him; against whom he employed Pactias, and then Harpagus, who first reduced the Phocians under their former obedience, and then the rest of the Greeks inhabiting Asia the Less, as the Ionians, Carians, Æolians, and Lycians, who resolvedly (according to the strength they had) defended themselves. But in the attempt upon Babylon itself, it is not to be doubted that Cyrus employed all his forces, having taken order beforehand, that nothing should be able to divert him, or to raise that siege, and make frustrate the work upon which he did set all his rest. And great reason there was, that he should bend all his care and strength unto the taking of that city, which beside the fame and reputation that it held, as being head of an empire thereon depending, was so strongly fenced with a treble wall of great height, and surrounded with waters un

fordable, so plentifully victualled for many years, that the inhabitants were not only free from all doubt and fear of their estate, but despised and derided all purposes and power of their besiegers.

The only hope of the Medes and Persians, who despaired of carrying by assault a city so well fortified and manned, was, in cutting off all supplies of victuals and other necessaries: whereof though the town was said to be stored sufficiently for more than twenty years, yet might it well be deemed, that in such a world of people as dwelt within those gates, one great want or other would soon appear, and vanquish the resolution of that unwarlike multitude. In expecting the success of this course, the besiegers were likely to endure much travail, and all in vain, if they did not keep strait watch and strong guards upon all quar

ters.

This was hard to do, in regard of the vast circuit of those walls which they were to gird in, with numbers neither great enough, hor of men sufficiently assured unto their commander; the consideration whereof ministered unto the Babylonians matter of good pastime, when they saw the Lydians, Phrygians, Cappadocians, and others, quartered about their town to keep them in, who having been their ancient friends and allies, were more likely to join with them, if occasion were offered, than to use much diligence on the behalf of Cyrus; who had, as it were yesterday, laid upon their necks the galling yoke of servitude. Whilst the besieged were pleasing themselves in this deceitful gladness, that is the ordinary forerunner of sudden calamity, Cyrus, whom the ordinance of God made strong, constant, and inventive, devised, by so many channels and trenches as were sufficient and capable of Euphrates, to draw the same from the walls of Babylon, thereby to make his approach the more facile and assured; which when by the labour of many hands he had performed, he stayed the time of his advantage for the execution; for he had left certain banks or heads uncut, between

Xenoph. Cyropæd. 1. 7.

the main river which surrounded the city, and his own trenches.

Now Balthasar, finding neither any want or weakness within, nor any possibility of approach for his enemies without, prepared an exceeding sumptuous feast, public plays, and other pastimes; and thereto invited a thousand of his princes or nobility, besides his wives, courtesans, and others of that trade. This he did, either to let the besiegers know that his provisions were sufficient, not only for all needful uses, but even for jollity and excess; or because he hoped that his enemies, under the burden of many distresses, were well near broken; or in honour of Bel his most reverenced idol; or that it was his birth or coronationday; or for many or all these respects. And he was not contented with such magnificence as no prince else could equal, but (using Daniel's words) he lifted himself up against the Lord of heaven; for he and his princes, wives, and concubines, made carousing cups of the vessels of God, in contempt of whom he praised his own puppets, made of silver and gold, of brass, of iron, wood, and stone: Quanta fuit stultitia in vasibus aureis bibentes, ligneos et lapideos deos laudare! "How great a foolishness was it," (saith St. Jerome,) "drinking in golden cups, to praise gods of wood "and stone!" While Balthasar was in this sort triumphing, and his brains well filled with vapours, he beheld a hand, which by divine power wrote on the wall opposite unto him certain words which he understood not; wherewith so great a fear and amazement seized him, as a the joints of his loins were loosed, and his knees smote one against the other. Which passion when he had in some part recovered, he cried out for his Chaldeans, astrologians, and soothsayers, promising them great rewards, and the third place of honour in the kingdom to him that could read and expound the writing; but it exceeded their art. In this disturbance and astonishment, the queen hearing what had passed, and of the king's amazement, after reverence done, used this speech; There is a man in thy kingdom, in whom

a Dan. v. 6.

is the spirit of the holy gods; and in the days of thy father light and understanding and wisdom, like the wisdom of the gods, was found in him; whom the king Nabuchodonosor thy father, the king (I say) thy father, made chief of the enchanters, astrologians, Chaldeans, and soothsayers; because a more excellent spirit, and knowledge, and understanding, &c. were found in him, even in Daniel, &c. Now let Daniel be called, and he will declare the interpretation.

This queen Josephus takes for the grandmother, b Origen and Theodoret for the mother of Balthasar; either of which may be true; for it appeareth that she was not any of the king's wives, because absent from the feast; and being past the age of dancing and banqueting, she came in upon the bruit of the miracle, and to comfort the king in his distraction. And whereas Daniel was forgotten and neglected by others of younger years and times, this old queen remembered well what he had done in the days of Nabuchodonosor, grandfather to this Balthasar, and kept in mind both his religion and divine gifts.

When Daniel was brought to the king's presence, who acknowledged those excellent graces wherewith God had enriched him, he prayed him, together with promises of reward and honour, to read and interpret those words miraculously written; to whom Daniel made answer in a far different style from that he used towards his grandfather; for the evil which he foretold Nabuchodonosor, he wished that the same might befall his enemies; but to this king (whose neglect of God and vice he hated) he answered in these words; Keep thy rewards to thyself, and give thy gifts to another; yet will I read the writing unto the king, and shew him the interpretation. Which before he had performed, he gave him first the cause of God's just judgment against him, and the reason of this terrible sentence, whereof the king and all his wise men were utterly ignorant. Which being written at large in Daniel, chap. v. 18, 19, 20. hath this effect, that forgetting God's goodness to his father, whom all nations feared and obeyed, and that ს Orig. et Theod. in Dan. Joseph. Ant. 10.