on. Lord Castlereagh remarked, that the observations of the hon. gentleman were not strictly applicable to the question before the House. It was not improbable, however, that he might hereafter be charged with some proposition of the sort. Mr. Ponsonby was disposed fully to agree with the House in returning Thanks to the marquis of Wellington for the services he had performed. As the noble mover had gone into many other subjects, however, the merits of which he was not disposed to admit, he rose for the purpose of expressing a hope, that, in according with the present vote, he might not be supposed at all to agree with many of the things which the noble lord had thrown out. These he considered perfectly open to the House to examine hereafter." [170 Scourge of Europe, whose fate I am satis- was aware that this step must, of necessity, fied is now fast approaching. Let us all emanate from his royal highness the Prince but unite; let the feelings of the whole Regent, but when the services performed United Kingdom be conciliated, and there by the illustrious person to whom he alis no doubt but all ranks of society, whe-luded were considered, he apprehended ther Irish or British, will join with one no opposition whatever would be given to heart and one hand to drive that scourge such a proposal. of mankind, (I was going to say,) to the devil. He must be resisted, as well as those erroneous people of America; but if you divide the country you cannot go As courage and virtue are alike common to all his Majesty's subjects, they ought equally to enjoy the advantages of the constitution. These are my sentiments, and these are the sentiments of a great and loyal county, consisting of eleven thousand electors, who did me the honour of sending me here, and of giving me the opportunity of expressing my sentiments. I have now to express my thanks for the indulgence which has been granted me by the House, whose pardon I beg for having so long trespassed on their attention. I cannot, however, conclude, without expressing my accordance with the feeling expressed by the hon. baronet who spoke last-I mean, with regard to the necessity of investigation hereafter. To that investigation I think it highly necessary ⚫ the attention of the House should be seriously devoted. Let the time come when it will, I shall form my judgment as an independent man; I will look to measures and not to men, and if I find my best friend adopt measures, of the utility of which I am not theroughly convinced, I will vote against him.-I will invariably act according to the dictates of my conscience; I will not be led away by party; I will ride my own horse, and will not be made the stalking-horse of others.-If ministers are able to prove that they have furnished the marquis of Wellington with all the adequate means in their power for pursuing his military career, I will vote in their favour; but if, on the contrary, I find they have failed in their duty, I will oppose them. As I said before, I will support measures, not men." Mr. Cochrane Johnstone thought it would be no more than proper that some further pecuniary provision should be made for the marquis of Wellington. If any delicacy was felt in these times of distress to apply to the public for this remuneration for the brilliant services which had been achieved, the purpose might be answered, as in the case of the duke of Marlborough, by the grant of some royal manor. He The Resolution was then put and carried nem. con.-As were also the following: "That the Thanks of this House be given to lieut. gen. sir Stapleton Cotton, lieut. gen. James Leith, lieut. gen. the hon. Galbraith Lowry Cole; and to major generals Henry Clinton, Henry Frederick Campbell, baron Bock, Victor baron Alten, baron Low, Charles baron Alten, John Hope, George Anson, William Anson, John Ormsby Vandeleur, J. H. C. de Bernewitz, the hon. Edward Pakenham, and W. Henry Pringle; and to the several other officers; for their distinguished exertions in the battle of Salamanca, upon the 22d of July last, which terminated in a glorious and decisive victory over the enemy's army. "That this House doth acknowledge and highly approve of the distinguished valour and discipline displayed by the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers of the forces serving under the command of general the marquis of Wellington, in the glorious victory obtained, upon the 22d of July last, near Salamanca; and that the same be signified to them by the commanding officers of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their gallant and exemplary behaviour. "That this House doth highly acknowledge the zeal, courage, and discipline, displayed by the officers, non-commissioned officers, and private soldiers, of the Portuguese forces serving under the command of general the marquis of Wellington, in the glorious victory obtained upon the 22d of July last, near Salamanca. "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that a Monument be erected in the cathedral church of St. Paul, London, to the memory of major general John Gaspard le Marchant, who fell gloriously on the 22d of July last in the battle fought near Salamanca, when a decisive victory over the enemy was obtained by the allied army commanded by general the marquis of Wellington; and to assure his Royal Highness that this House will make good the expence attending the same." COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer having moved the order of the day for the House resolving into a Committee of Supply, Mr. Creevey said he could not suffer the question of Supply to be adverted to without making some comments upon the present depreciated state of the paper currency of the country. The ill effects of the opinion recorded by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer during the last session of parliament, that paper was of equal value with gold, had now been fully experienced. He had heard that government themselves had become dealers in gold, and had actually been obliged to buy guineas at the rate of 27s. and 28s. apiece. He would wish to know whether this was a fact or not; as when he saw that persons of low condition were daily punished for this species of offence, he was at least anxious to learn that the framers of the law which led to these severities, were not themselves the first to break it. If this was the case, they were at an expence of from 35 to 40 per cent. for every 100l. which they sent to the continent, which, with other ruinous circumstances arising from a debased paper currency, called loudly for redress. Before the question of Supply was put, he begged leave to move, as a substitute for that motion, "That this House will take into its early consideration the state of the Paper Currency of this kingdom." The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he should have hoped, after the House had no longer ago than yesterday promised to the Prince Regent liberally to contribute to the supplies necessary for the support of the country, that no person would be capable of refusing all support, and of proposing to leave the Prince and the country defenceless, and without the means of carrying on the war, or resisting the enemy. He knew it was usual when questions of Supply were agitated, to take a large range over the conduct of his Ma jesty's ministers, but he never before knew an instance in which an amendment was made to the general question for a supply to the crown. To himself it was a matter of indifference when the conduct of his Majesty's government was canvas sed,, but he certainly thought the hon. gentleman might have found another opportunity for his motion. At present he did not think it a fit opportunity of entering at large into the topic to which the hon. gentleman had adverted, and should therefore content himself with saying, in answer to what had passed, that he felt more fully confirmed, by every day's experience, of the soundness of the principles which he had advanced in the last parliament upon the subject of paper currency. Had the opinions of the hon. gentleman and some of his friends prevailed, with reference to the same subject, he had not the slightest doubt, that a fatal blow would have been given to the credit and commerce of the country, and to the rising hopes of the liberties and independence of Europe. Such being his opinion, he thought he could not do better than immediately take the judgment of the House upon the motion which had been made. Mr. Whitbread wished to correct the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer on one point. His hon. friend by his amendment did not refuse supplies; he only wished the House to pledge itself to an early consideration of the depreciated state of the paper currency. His principal object in rising, however, was to remind the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he had forgotten to answer two questions put by his hon. friend; first, what was his opinion as to the value of the Bank-note, compared with the gold coin of the realm? and, secondly, whether any agents were employed by government to purchase the said coin? If so, he thought it was an act of flagrant injustice to commence state prosecutions against individuals, for crimes such as the state itself committed. He protested 2 against the imputation of denying supplies, altogether. He saw no reason, if the amendment of his hon. friend were carried, why the House should not afterwards go into a Committee of Supply. himself, but to a friend, that the offer was made. The sum was 27,000 guineas, and the price, he believed, was about 25 shillings each. The conversation then dropped, and the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was carried. Mr. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he was at all times ready to answer questions of fact; but he would not answer TELLERS OF THE EXCHEQUER.] questions of opinion, more especially of Bennet asked, whether it was true, that his own opinion of the opinion of others. He begged in answer to the second ques-fered to resign a third of their profits during the Tellers of the Exchequer had oftion, to state distinctly, that no agent had ever been employed by government to purchase the coin of the realm; and further, that so late as yesterday, a large sum had been offered to him, which he had refused to purchase.-(A laugh.) Lord Milton did not mean to support the amendment of his hon. friend. He concurred in opinion with him, that the subject required a very serious discussion, and that it was the peculiar province of the House to guard the public purse. He was surprised, however, at the observation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the House had pledged itself yesterday to the Prince Regent, to grant the necessary supplies: the noble lord thought that it was perfectly understood that the Address did not pledge the House to any thing. Mr. H. Martin asked whether it was the intention of ministers to adopt any economical plan of reform, and retrenchment of expenditure, in consequence of the Reports of the different Committees, which were then on their table; if not, he should take an early opportunity of calling the attention of the House to those Reports. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he had endeavoured to look into the subject with all the attention in his power, but he was not prepared to present any digested plan upon the subject. Mr. Whitbread wished the Chancellor of the Exchequer to inform him of the amount of the gold offered to him, and whether it was the coin of the realm, and also what was the price. He thought the seller must be a very clumsy fellow to at tempt to draw the Chancellor of the Exchequer into a breach of the law of the landto endeavour to persuade him to an act which would subject him to imprisonment, if not to transportation. Certainly the right hon. gentleman had the Attorney General to protect him-(A laugh). The Chancellor of the Exchequer begged leave to state, in reply, that it was not to the war, and whether other persons holding sinecures had made the same offer? The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, Camden had made that liberal and pathat the marquisses of Buckingham and triotic offer, but he was not aware that any other persons had done so. TREATIES WITH RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.] Lord Castlereagh presented the following Treaties: TREATY OF PEACE, UNION, AND FRIEND→ In the Name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity. His majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, being equally animated with the desire of re-establishing the ancient relations of friendship and good understanding between the two respective states, have named for that purpose their plenipotentiaries, namely; his royal highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Edward Thornton, esquire, his plenipotentiary at the court of his ma jesty the king of Sweden; and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Peter de Suchtelen, general of engineers, quarter-master general, member of the council of state, inspector of the whole of the department of engineers, knight of the order of Saint Alexander Newsky, grand cross of those of Saint Wladimir and of Saint Anne of the first class, knight of the order of Saint George of the fourth class, and commander of that of Saint John of Jerusalem; and Paul Baron de Nicolay, his gentleman, of the bedchamber of the fifth class, charged with his affairs at the court of his majesty the king of Sweden, knight of the order of Saint Wladimir of the third class, and of ARTICLE I. There shall be between his majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, their heirs and successors, and between their respective states and subjects, a firm, true, and inviolable peace, and a sincere and perfect union and friendship, so that from this moment all cause of misunderstanding which may have existed between them, shall be considered as entirely ceasing and done away. the royal order of the Polar Star of Swe-1 of the united kingdom of Great Britain den; who, after the exchange of their and Ireland, and his majesty the King of respective full powers, drawn up in good Sweden, being equally animated with and due form, have agreed upon the fol- the desire of re-establishing the anlowing Articles : cient relations of friendship and good understanding between the two crowns, and between their respective states, have named for this purpose their plenipotentiaries, that is to say; his royal highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Edward Thornton, esquire; and his majesty the King of Sweden, Lawrence baron d'Engeström, one of the nobles of the kingdom of Sweden, minister of state and of foreign affairs, chancellor of the university of Lund, knight and commander of the orders of the King, knight of the royal order of Charles the thirteenth, Grand Eagle of the Legion of Honour of France; and Gustavus baron de Wetterstedt, chancellor of the court, commander of the order of the Polar Star, one of the eighteen members of the Swedish academy; the which plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full powers, drawn up in full and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles : ARTICLE II. The relations of friendship and commerce between the two countries shall be re-established on both sides, upon the footing of the most favoured nations. ARTICLE III. If, in resentment of the present pacification, and of the re-establishment of the good understanding between the two countries, any power whatsoever shall commit hostilities, whether against his Britannic Majesty or against his Imperial Majesty, the two contracting sovereigns engage to make common cause for the support and security of their respective states. ARTICLE IV. The two high contracting parties will endeavour to come to an understanding and arrangement as soon as possible, as to all matters relating to their mutual interests, political as well as commercial. ARTICLE V. The present treaty shall be ratified by the two high contracting parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in six weeks, or sooner, if possible. In faith whereof we the undersigned, in virtue of our full powers, have signed the present Treaty of Peace, and fixed thereto the seal of our arms. Done at Orebro, the 18th day of the month of July, in the year of our Lord 1812. EDWARD THORNTON. (L. S.) SUCHTELEN. (L. S.) PAUL BARON DE NICOLAY. (L. S.) TREATY OF PEACE, UNION, AND FRIENDSHIP, BETWEEN HIS BRITANNIC MA JESTY AND THE KING OF SWEDEN; ARTICLE I. There shall be between their majesties the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the King of Sweden, their heirs and successors, and between their subjects, kingdoms, and respective states, a firm, true, and inviolable peace, and a sincere and perfect union and friendship, so that from this moment every cause of misunderstanding, which may have existed between them, shall be regarded as entirely ceasing and done away. ARTICLE II. The relations of friendship and commerce between the two kingdoms, shall be re-established upon the footing on which they stood on the 1st day of January 1791; and all the treaties and conventions subsisting between the two countries at that epoch, shall be regarded as renewed and confirmed, and they are, by the present Treaty, renewed and confirmed accordingly. ARTICLE III. If in resentment of the present pacification, and the re-establishment of good understanding between the shall make war upon Sweden, his majesty two countries, any power whatsoever the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland engages to take meaIn the Name of the Most Holy and Un-sures, in concert with his majesty the divided Trinity. His majesty the King King of Sweden, for the security and independence of his states. SIGNED AT OREBRO THE 18TH OF GALWAY ELECTION-PETITION OF MR. BLAKE.] A Petition of Valentine Blake, of Menlo, in the county of the town of Gal way, esq. was delivered in and read; setting forth, That, at the last election for a member to serve for the town and county of the town of Galway in the present parliament, the petitioner and the hon. Frederick Ponsonby were candidates to represent the said town and county in parliament; and that, by virtue of divers charters, there exists a corporation by the name of the mayor, sheriffs, free burgesses and commonalty of the town and county of the town of Galway; and the right of election of members to serve in parliament for the said town and county of the town of Galway is vested in the freeholders thereof, and also in the resident freemen of the corporation of the said town; and that, at such election, Francis Eagar and Thomas Browne esquires, were the then sheriffs and returning officer for the said town, James O'Hara, esq., was recorder of the said town, and the right hon. Dennis Bowes Daly mayor of the said town and corporation; and that the said James O'Hara was counsel at the said election to the said returning officer, and at the same time assistant adviser and director of the proceedings of the said D. B. Daly, mayor as aforesaid; and that the said D. B. Daly, at and during the said election, was the partizan and agent of the said F. Ponsonby; and that, at and during, or a day or two before the said election, the said D. B. Daly, then and still mayor of the said town of Galway, did, for the purposes (VOL. XXIV.) of the said election, and in order to insure the return of the said F. Ponsonby, administer to divers persons, being his own tenants, peasantry, and dependants, the oaths called the freeman's oaths, in a private and separate room to which the agents of the petitioner were denied access, and no persons admitted but the friends of the said F. Ponsonby; and that such persons were admitted by the said D. B. Daly, mayor as aforesaid, by great numbers at a time, for the purpose of becoming occasional voters, and in order to Carry the election against the petitioner, contrary to the law of parliament and the rights of the petitioner; and that several freemen would have qualified under the act 4th Geo. 1, c. 15, and would have voted for the petitioner at the election aforesaid, if the said D. B. Daly had not refused to administer the oaths of qualification to such persons, although the same were duly demanded to be administered by the said D. B. Daly; and that the sheriffs received the votes of many persons against the petitioner who were disqualified from voting, and of many persons who voted as freemen of the said corporation, and freeholders of the town and county of the town of Galway aforesaid, who had no right or title of voting whatsoever either as freemen or claiming to be freemen, or as having freeholds within the county of the said town; and that several persons voted for the hon. F. Ponsonby as freemen, who were non-resident, and not even freemen de facto, and without evidence by the proper officers of their admissions according to law; and that many persons were permitted to vote for the said F. Ponsonby, although there was no legal evidence of the admissions of such persons entered on stamps, as required by the Irish act passed in the 13th and 14th year of his present Majesty, or by other stamp acts, some or one of them; and that many persons were permitted to vote for the said F. Ponsonby whose admissions had never been entered on stamps; and that divers voters who, at the said election, voted for the hon. F. Ponsonby, were Roman Catholics; and that the certificates of their qualification, and their quali fication itself, was irregular and defective, the same not having been made or granted by or before magistrates or persons duly authorised to act in granting or allowing the same; and that the oaths required by law to be taken, in order to qualify such persons to vote at an election (N) |