282 THE IRISH SPORTING-YOUTH.

sing-match with Sir Giles Muff, or a day's shooting on Mr. Bluff's preserves, with some convulsing details of an encounter with Mr. Gruff's English gamekeeper. He is a prodigious favourite with the ladies, who consider him "a fine manly fellow," in spite of his sporting slang and sporting anecdotes, which bore the visitors from the city, while they charm the old squires and parsons who sit considerably beyond the legitimate period after dinner, drinking punch or port-wine, and discussing mild politics and local gossip. But to see the sportingyouth in his true element, you must see him out of doors. You must see him on the lonely moor at daybreak, with his setter and his double-barrelled gun, marching majestically through bog-water and puddle, through brake and heather, eager for the winged prey. Then is he "a fine manly fellow " indeed.

I'

YOUTH AND MANHOOD.

F the child be the father of the man, the youth

is his chaperon. The youth introduces the man to his career. The principles adopted by the youth impart a tone and colour to the whole future of the man. The character of the man is most clearly read by the light thrown upon it by the character of the youth. The youth commits himself to a political party: the man cannot emancipate himself without incurring the reputation of a turn-coat. The youth embraces a certain form of creed: the man dares not exchange it for fear of being taunted as unstable and heretical. The youth becomes entangled in the meshes of a coterie, social or literary: the man is unwilling to extricate himself at the expense of cutting his friends. So it may be taken as a general axiom in the science of human life, that if the youth pledges himself to any particular course, the man is expected to adhere to the same. There are exceptions, noble and ignoble; but they are

rare.

284

WE

CAVOUR.

E have only to examine the political conduct of Count Cavour to be convinced of the nobility of his purpose, the disinterestedness and self-abnegation of his life, and the miraculous sagacity of his far-reaching foresight. Born and brought up among the haughty and bigoted aristocracy of Turin, educated by Jesuits, and for some years the page of King Charles Felix, he was yet strong enough even in his boyhood to shake off once and for ever the thraldom of the worn-out traditions among which he had been [reared.] He spent his youth in the study of the British Constitution, and eagerly and earnestly watched the progress of the reforms which were at that time struggling for existence in the British House of Commons. And when the expression of his liberal views brought upon him persecution and almost banishment, instead of joining the frenzied Mazzinian party-as many another would have done, embittered by the hostility of his caste and by the persecution of his king,-he quietly left Italy, and spent the next seven years of his life in the study of the government and admin

istration of Switzerland, France, and England. He made it his business to learn England thoroughly, and in England he acquired those principles of freedom and moderation which he afterwards consecrated to the Italy of his dreams.

He

One magnificent idea animated his laborious years. For the realization of that one idea he lived, and toiled, and waited. No brute force, no underhand plotting, were admitted into his plans for the attainment of his glorious, object. sought to improve the agricultural and commercial condition of his country, before launching it forth into the trying struggle for nationality. He would not suffer the youthful warrior to go forth against such fearful odds till he had first furnished him with armour, and then seen that he had proved it. We know how he provided for the welfare of Piedmont in those years. What were his acts? He founded the agricultural society, announcing in the journal of that society the great ideas which were the object of his life, the independence of Italy; union between the princes and the people; progress in the path of reform; and a league between the Italian states. We cannot forget the daring statesmanship that first promulged in Italy the watchword of a Free Church in the State. We cannot forget that he formed treaties of commerce with England, with the minor states of Europe, and with France; that the systematic inauguration of the

strategic railway-net was solely owing to him, and the entire reconstruction of the tariff on free-trade principles. And so his bitterest enemies must confess that he laid the foundation of the Kingdom of Italy.

The policy that dictated the disastrous campaign which ended with the defeat of Novara, may be called in question; but the proposer of the scheme was not Cavour, but Gioberti; and had Cavour not yielded, the government would have been overwhelmed by the republican faction. The fatal day of Novara produced one good effect, which cannot be denied: it identified the cause of Piedmont with the cause of Italy. "We have got the Italian tricolour as our standard," said Cavour, "instead of the flag of Savoy."

He has been accused of checking the liberty of the press. The fact is, that in 1852 the Piedmontese press was running riot in its newly-acquired liberty, and, to avoid giving offence to foreign governments at that most critical time, it was absolutely inevitable to resort to some gentle restrictive mea

sures.

His reputation as a financier has been likewise impeached; and that there was an increasing deficit throughout the period of his administration we do not deny. But he played for splendid stakes, and history will record that he did not pay too dearly.