belong to an industrial era which is really past. They are miserable survivals of much earlier times when hours of labor in factory industries and in farming were unwholesomely long, wages deplorably low, and the mass of the people had little control over legislation or the manners and customs of the ruling classes.

6. Abandonment of all violence toward property or persons in the prosecution of industrial disputes. It is a consideration strongly in favor of this abandonment that a strike covering the whole territory of the nation or a large part thereof has lately become possible, because of recent improvements in means of communication. Such a strike, or even the threat of it, is capable of inflicting much suffering on millions of noncombatants.

BY BOTH PARTIES TO THE INDUSTRIAL STRIFE

1. Willing adoption by both parties of the methods of conciliation, arbitration, and ultimate decision by a national government board as sufficient means of bringing about just and progressive settlements of all disputes between capital and labor. The war has demonstrated within the last two years the feasibility of adjusting disputes between employers and employed by these means. To be sure, it has been under abnormal conditions that these means have proved to be temporarily sufficient; so that the immediate problem before the country is how to demonstrate that these means are sufficient under normal conditions, and that they are the only ones which a free and law-abiding people should hereafter use.

2. Recognition by both parties that a new and formidable danger threatens civilization, and that all good citizens of the republic should unite to suppress anarchy and violent socialism and to secure to all sorts and conditions of men "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

3. General acceptance of the view that American liberties are to be preserved just as they have been won. They have been slowly achieved by generations of sturdy, hard-working people who valued personal independence, industry, thrift, truthfulness in thought and act, respect for law, family life, and home, and were always ready to fight in defense of these things.

4. Acceptance of the truth that the democracy which is to be made safe in the world does not mean equality of possessions or powers, or a dead level of homogeneous and monotonous society, but on the contrary the free cultivation of infinitely diversified human gifts and capacities, and liberty for each individual to do his best for the common good.

QUESTIONS

1. Give evidence of unrest in industry.

2. What are the causes of industrial unrest?

3. Give the fundamental reason for the wage earner being suspicious and resentful of the present industrial system.

4. Give two prime causes of unemployment.

5. Show that the employer and employee both suffer from labor turnover. 6. How can the job be stabilized?

7. How can the public contribute toward better industrial relations? 8. Enumerate and discuss the program for industrial peace as outlined by Charles W. Eliot.

CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE

THE PLACE OF PARTY

140. WASHINGTON'S WARNING AGAINST PARTY SPIRIT 1

Let me... warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the doors to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and the will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks

1 From the Farewell Address.

upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true, and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

141. THE RIFTS WITHIN THE PARTIES1

Since 1896, when Mr. Bryan became the chosen leader of the Democrats, and in 1901, when Mr. Roosevelt came into the presidency for the Republicans, the differences within each party on these larger powers for government have been more pronounced, a radical and a conservative wing appearing in each party. Conservative Democrats differ very little from conservative Republicans, and the radicals in both parties are very much alike. . .

The conservative is one who is disposed to be satisfied with things as they are; who looks with indifference, if not with hostility, on proposed remedies and reforms; who tends to revere the past and look with suspicion and fear on all changes; whose chief concern in government is for order, safety, and stability. He may not oppose progress, but he would first make sure he is right; and he would seek approval in old and well-established methods and principles.

The radical, on the other hand, is one who seeks changes and reforms. He wishes to go to the root of political evils. He believes that government is like an organic body, - it must grow and expand and adapt itself to new conditions of society; that it is subject to diseases which must be uprooted and cast out. He is optimistic

1 From Woodburn and Moran, The Citizen and the Republic, pages 222-225. Longmans, Green & Co., New York; 1921. Reprinted by special permission of the publishers.

and

eager for new experiments and does not hold to institutions and laws merely because they are old. . . .

...

The liberal is the moderate radical who wishes to reform existing institutions, but not to upturn them; he wishes to go forward, but not too fast.

The policies that have been urged by the "Progressives" of all parties may be summed up as follows:

1. Equal industrial opportunities for all, and equal punishment for all illegal acts, whether committed by large corporations or by individuals.

...

2. Government regulation of public-service corporations, especially the railways, which should be brought under more direct public control and be made to serve all equally.

3. The development of waterways, to supplement and to help the railways, as avenues of transportation.

4. The promotion of agriculture by encouraging small holdings of land and giving titles to home seekers.

5. The conservation of public resources under national authority, water power for irrigation, the forests, the mines, and ungranted homesteads for home seekers.

8. Direct control by the people in lawmaking and in the conduct of their political parties by means of the initiative, the referendum, and direct party primaries.

10. To these may be added the short ballot, preferential voting, and efforts for what has been called "social justice" that is, that the richer and more powerful classes may not cheat the public or work injustice to the laboring masses.

142. THE BOSS IN POLITICS 1

"The boss in politics," said Roosevelt, "is just like any other kind of boss." His business is to get the job done, and he adapts his means to that end..

1 From William Bennett Munro, Personality in Politics, pages 42-78. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1924. Reprinted by special arrangement with the publishers.