ment? In reality, such delegation of power, had countable only to the Great Searcher of hearts, it ever been made, would be a mere nullity, and whose prerogative it is to judge them. the compact by which it was ceded, altogether nugatory, the rights of conscience being immutably personal and absolutely inalienable, nor can the state or community as such have any concern in the matter. For in what manner doth it affect society, which is evidently and solely instituted to prevent personal assault, the violation of property and the defamation of character; and hath not (these re-lic worship of his own election! How amiable the

In contrast with this spiritual tyranny, how beautiful appears our Catholic constitution in disclaiming all jurisdiction over the souls of men, and securing, by a law never to be repealed, the voluntary, unchecked moral suasion of every individual, and his own self-directed intercourse with the father of spirits, either by devout retirement or pub

plan of entrenching, with the sanction of an ordinance, immutable and irrevocable, the sacred rights of conscience, and renouncing all discrimination between men on account of their sentiments about the various modes of church government, or the different

LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA.

FROM WIRT's life of HENRY.

Debate on the motion offered by Patrick Henry, esq. in the year 1775, to put the colony of Virginia in a state of defence.

maining inviolate) any interest in the actions of men-how doth it, I say, affect society what principles we entertain in our own minds, or in what cutward form we think it best to pay our adoration to God? But to set the absurdity of the magistrate's authority to interfere in matters of religion, in the articles of their faith!” strongest light, I would fain know what religion it is that he has authority to establish? Has he a right to establish only the true religion, or is any religion true because he does not establish it? If the former, his trouble is as vain as it is arrogant, because the true religion being not of this world, wants not the princes of this world to support it; but On Monday the 20th of March, 1775, the conhas in fact either languished or been adulterated vention of delegates from the several counties and wherever they meddled with it. If the supreme corporations of Virginia, met for the second time. magistrate, as such, has authority to establish any Their meeting was held in the Old Church, in the religion he thinks to be true, and the religion so town of Richmond.-Mr. Henry was a member of established is therefore right and ought to be this body also. The reader will bear in mind the embraced, it follows, since all supreme magis-tone of the instructions given by the convention trates have the same authority, that all establish- of the preceding year, to their deputies in coned religions are equally right, and ought to be gress. He will remember that while they recite, embraced. The emperor of China, therefore, hav. with great feeling, the series of grievances under ing, as supreme magistrate in his empire, the same which the colonies had labored, and insist, with right to establish the precepts of Confucius, and firmness, on their constitutional rights, they give the Sultan in bis, the imposture of Mahomet, as nevertheless the most explicit and solemn pledge hath the king of Great Britain the doctrine of of their faith and true allegiance to his majesty, Christ in his dominion, it results from these princi- king George the III. and avow their determination ples, that the religions of Confucius and Mahomet to support him, with their lives and fortunes, in are equally true with the doctrine of our blessed the legal exercise of all his just rights and preroga Saviour and his Apostles, and equally obligatory tives. He will remember that these instructions upon the respective subjects of China and Turkey, contain also an expression of their sincere approbaas Christianity is on those within the British realm; tion of a connection with Great Britain-and of a position which, I presume, the most zealous ad- their ardent wishes for a return of that friendly vocate for ecclesiastical domination would think it intercourse, from which this country had derived blasphemy to avow. so much prosperity and happiness. These senti. ments still actuated many of the leading members of the convention of 1775-they could not part with the fond hope, that those peaceful days would again return, which had shed so much light and warmth over the land; and the report of the king's gracious reception of the petition from congress, tended to cherish that hope and to render them averse to any measure of violence-but Mr. Henry saw things with a steadier eye, and a deeper insight

The English ecclesiastical government, therefore, is, and all the RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS IN THE WORLD, are manifest violations of the right of private judgment in matters of religion. They are impudent outrages on common sense, in arrogating a power of controlling the devotional operations of the mind and external acts of divine homage not cognizable by any human tribunal, and for which we are ac

His judgment was too solid to be duped by appearances, and his heart too firm and manly, to be amused by false and flattering hopes.-He had long since read the true character of the British court, and saw that no alternative remained for his country, but abject submission, or heroic resistance. It was not for a soul like Henry's, to hesitate between these courses. He had offered upon the altar of liberty no divided heart. The gulph of war which yawned before him, was indeed fiery and fearful. But he saw that the awful plunge was inevitable. The body of the convention, however, hesitated. They cast around a "longing lingering look" to those flowery fields, on which peace and ease and joy were still sporting, and it required all the energies of a Mentor, like Henry, to push them from the precipice, and conduct them over the stormy sea of the revolution, to liberty and glory.

The convention being formed, a::d organized for business, proceeded in the first place to express their unqualified approbation of the measures of congress, and to declare that they considered this whole continent as under the highest obligations to that respectable body for the wisdom of their

councils, and their unremitted endeavors to maintain and preserve inviolate, the just rights and liberties of his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects in America.

They next resolved, "that the warmest thanks of the convention, and of all the inhabitants of this colony were due, and that this just tribute of applause, be presented to the worthy delegates, deputed by a former convention to represent this colony in general congress, for their cheerful under. taking, and faithful discharge of the very important trust reposed in them."

The morning of the 23d of March was opened by reading a petition and memorial from the assembly of Jamaica, "to the king's most excellent majesty;" whereupon it was resolved that the unfeigned thanks, and most grateful acknowledgements of the convention be presented to that very respectable assembly, for the exceeding generous and affectionate part they have so nobly taken, in the unhappy contest between Great Britain and her colonies, and for their truly patriotic endeavors to fix the just claims of the colonists upon the most permanent constitutional principles; that the as. sembly be assured, that it is the most ardent wish of this colony (and they were persuaded, of the whole continent of North America) to see a speedy return of those halcyon days when we lived a free and happy people."

These proceedings were not adapted to the taste of Mr. Henry. On the contrary, they were gall and worm-wood" to him. The house required to be wrought up to a bolder tone. He rose, therefore, and moved the following manly resolutions:

"Resolved, That a well-regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free government; that such a militia, in this colony, would forever render it unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, and would alleviate the

pretext of taxing us for their support.

"That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly necessary, by the state of our laws, for the protection and defence of the coun. try, some of which are already expired, and others will shortly be so, and that the known remissness of government, in calling us together, in legislative capacity, renders it too insecure, in this time of danger and distress, to rely that opportunity will be given of renewing them, in general assembly, or making any provision to secure our inestimable rights and liberties from those further violations with which they are threatened.

"Resolved, therefore, that this colony be imme diately put into a state of defence, and that

be a committee to prepare a plan for the embodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men, as may be sufficient for that purpose."

The alarm which such a proposition must have given to those who had contemplated no resist ance of a character more serious than petition, non-importation and passive fortitude, and who still hung, with suppliant tenderness, on the skirts | of Britain, in the hope of seeing, once more, her maternal smile, will be readily conceived by the reflecting reader. The shock was painful: it was almost general. The resolutions were opposed, as not only rash in policy, but as harsh, and well nigh impious, in point of feeling. Some of the warmest patriots of the convention opposed them. Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton, who had so lately drunk of the fountain of patriotism, in the continental con gress, and Robert C. Nicholas, one of the best, as well as ablest men and patriots in the state, gave them all the resistance of their great influence and abilities. They urged the late gracious reception

of the congressional petition by the throne.-They upon us from the east, and which promised so fai insisted that national comity, and much more, and happy a day: with this they contrasted the filial respect, demanded the exercise of a more clouds and storms which the measure, now prodignified patience: that the sympathies of the posed, was so well calculated to raise, and in which parent country were now on our side; that the we should not have even the poor consolation of friends of American liberty, in parliament, were being pitied by the world, since we should have, still with us, and had, as yet, had no cause to blush so needlessly and rashly, drawn them upon ourfor our indiscretion; that the manufacturing in-selves."

terest of Great Britain, already smarting under the These arguments and topics of persuasion were effects of our non-importation, co-operated power- so well justified by the appearance of things, and fully towards our relief; that the sovereign himself were, moreover, so entirely in unison with that love had relented, and shown that he looked upon our of ease and quiet, which is natural to man, and that sufferings with an eye of pity. Was this the disposition to hope for happier times, even under moment, they asked, to disgust our friends, to the most forbidding circumstances, that an ordinary extinguish all the conspiring sympathies which man, in Mr. Henry's situation, would have been were working in our favor, to turn their friend-glad to compound with the displeasure of the ship into hatred; their pity into revenge? And house, by being permitted to withdraw his resoluwhat was there, they asked, in the situation of the tions in silence.

He rose, at this time, with a majesty unusual to him, in an exordium, and with all that self

of the very worthy gentlemen who had just ad

colony, to tempt us to this? Were we a great Not so Mr. Henry. His was a spirit fitted to military people? Were we ready for war? Where raise the whirlwind, as well as to ride in and direct were our stores-where were our arms-where our it. His was that comprehensive view, that unerring soldiers-where our generals-where our money, prescience, that perfect command over the actions the sinews of war? They were no where to be of men, that qualified him, not merely to guide, found. In truth, we were poor-we were naked-but almost to create the destinies of nations. we were defenceless: and yet we talk of assuming the front of war!—of assuming it too, against a nation, one of the most formidable in the world! a nation, ready and armed at all points!-ber navies possession by which he was so invariably distinriding triumphant in every sea-her armies never guished. "No man," he said, "thought more highly marching but to certain victory?—What was to be than he did of the patriotism, as well as abilities, the issue of the struggle we were called upon to court? What could be the issue, in the comparative circumstances of the two countries, but to yield up this country, an easy prey to Great Bri. tain, and to convert the illegitimate right, which the British parliament now claimed, into a firm and indubitable right, by conquest? The measure might be brave; but it was the bravery of madmen. It had no pretension to the character of prudence, and as little to the grace of genuine courage. It would be time enough to resort to measures of despair, when every well founded hope had entirely vanished.

dressed the house. But different men often saw

the same subject in different lights; and therefore, he hoped it would not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if entertaining, as he did, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, he should speak his sentiments, freely and without reserve. This, he said, was no time for ceremony. The question before the house, was one of awful moment to this country. For his own part, he considered it, as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of the debate. It was only in this way that To this strong view of the subject, supported they could hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the as it was, by the stubborn fact of the well known great responsibility which they held to God and helpless condition of the colony, the opponents of their country. Should he keep back his opinions, those resolutions superadded every topic of persua at such a time, through fear of giving offence, be sion which belonged to the case. "The strength should consider himself as guilty of treason to. and lustre which we derived from our connexions wards his country, and of an act of disloyalty towith Great Britain-the domestic comforts which wards the Majesty of Heaven, which he revered we had drawn from the same source, and whose before all earthly kings.”

value we were now able to estimate, by their loss "Mr. President," said he, "it is natural to man -that ray of reconciliation, which was dawning to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt

to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen!-we have remonstrated-we have supplicated-we to the song of that syren, till she transforms us have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and into beasts. Was this, he asked, the part of wise have implored its interposition, to arrest the tyranmen, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for nical hands of the ministry and parliament.—Our liberty? Were we disposed to be of the number petitions have been slighted-our remonstrances of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, have produced additional violence and insulthear not the things which so nearly concern their our supplications have been disregarded, and we temporal salvation? For his part, whatever anguish of spirit it might cost, he was willing to know the whole truth-to know the worst, and to provide for it."

have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those "He had," he said, "but one lamp, by which his inestimable privileges, for which we have been so feet were guided, and that was the lamp of ex-long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon perience. He knew of no way of judging the the noble struggle, in which we have been so long future, but by the past; and judging by the past, engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves he wished to know what there had been in the never to abandon, until the glorious object of our conduct of the British ministry for the last ten contest shall be obtained-WE MUST FIGHT! I reyears, to justify those hopes with which gentle- peat it, sir, WE MUST FIGHT!! An appeal to arms, men had been pleased to solace themselves and the and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us!" house. It is that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, "Imagine to yourself," says my correspondent,* sir, it will prove a snare to your feet.-Suffer not "this sentence, delivered with all the calm dignity yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask your of Cato, of Utica-imagine to yourself the Roman selves bow this gracious reception of our petition senate, assembled in the capitol, when it was comports with those warlike preparations, which entered by the profane Gauls, who, at first, were cover our waters, and darken our land? Are fleets awed by their presence, as if they had entered an and armies necessary to a work of love and recon-assembly of the Gods!-imagine that you heard that ciliation? Have we shewn ourselves so unwilling Cato addressing such a senate-imagine that you to be reconciled, that force must be called in, to saw the hand writing on the wall of Belshazar's win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, palace-imagine you had heard a voice, as from sir. These are the implements of war and subjuga. Heaven, uttering the words "We must fight," as tion-the last arguments, to which kings resort. I the doom of fate, and you may have some idea of ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, the speaker, the assembly to whom he addressed if its purposes be not to force us to submission?- himself, and the auditory, of which I was one. Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quar. ter of the world, to call for all this accumulation we are weak-unable to cope with so formidable of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They an adversary. But when shall we be stronger?are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when ▲ They are sent over, to bind and rivet upon us those British guard shall be stationed in every house? chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inac tion? Shall we acquire the means of effectus! them? Shall we try argument?-Sir, we have been trying that, for the last ten years. Have we resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and any thing new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our We have held the subject up in every light of enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, which it is capable: but it has been all in vain.we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplicameans which the God of nature hath placed in our tion? What terms shall we find, which have not power.-Three millions of people, armed in the been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have which we possess, are invincible by any force which done every thing that could be done, to avert the our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned

"They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry, "that

*Judge Tucker.

shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just pendence was the effect of ministerial oppression God, who presides over the destinies of nations, and not the result of a pre-concerted plan.—Tho' and who will raise up friends to fight our battles intended for the bosom of private friendship, those for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; letters may legitimately be considered as convey. it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, ing the sentiments of the whole American people sir, we have no election. If we were base enough at that time. They evince the reluctance with to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the which a separation from Great Britain was contemcontest. There is no retreat, but in submission plated; and do away the idea held out by some and slavery! Our chains are forged: their clank- English writers, that "independence had long been ing may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war meditated by the leading characters in the colois enevitable; and let it come!! I repeat it, sir-LET nies, and that they availed themselves of the obIT COME!!! noxious acts of the British government for its assertion."

"It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter: Gentlemen may cry, "peace peace;" but there is no Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. Wm. Small, peace; the war is actually begun! The next gale formerly one of the professors of William and Mathat sweeps from the north will bring to our ears ry, but then at Birmingham, in England, where he the clash of resounding arms? Our brethren are successfully applied bis extensive scientific knowalready in the field! Why stand we here idle?-ledge to practical improvements, in various manu. What is it that gentlemen wish? What would factures, &c. dated May 7th, 1775, writes as folthey have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, lows: as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery!!! Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but, as for me" (cried he, with both his arms extended aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled to its boldest note of exclamation,) "GIVE ME LIBERTY

OR GIVE ME DEATH."

"Within this week, we have received the unhappy news of an action of considerable magnitude between the king's troops and our brethren of Boston, in which it is said 500 of the former, with the earl of Percy, were slain. That such an action has happened is undoubted, though, perhaps, the circumstances may not yet have reached us with truth. This accident has cut off our last hopes of reconciliation, and a phrenzy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people.-It is a lamentable circumstance that the only mediatory power acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation this divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up the flames, as we find him constantly doing in every speech, and public declaration. This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate into an acquiescence, but the effect has been most unfortu nately otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people The measure was adopted; and Patrick Henry, were in a state, in which they were more likely to Richard H. Lee, Robert C. Nicholas, Benjamin be provoked than frightened by haughty deportHarrison, Lemuel Riddick, George Washington, ment; and to fill up the measure of irritation, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis, William Christian, proscription of individuals has been substituted Edmund Pendleton, Thomas Jefferson, and Isaac in the room of just trial. Can it be believed that Zane, esquires, were appointed a committee to prepare the plan called for by the last resolution.

He took his seat. No murmur of applause was heard; the effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment, several members were seen to start from their seats. The cry "to arms," seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye! Richard H. Lee, arose and supported Mr. Henry, but even his melody was lost amidst the agitation of that ocean, which the master spirit of the storm had lifted on bigh. That supernatural voice still sounded in their ears, and shivered along their arteries. They heard in every pause the cry of liberty or death. They became impatient of speech. Their souls were on fire for action.

a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned to execution whose sole crime has been developing and asserting their right? Had the parliament pos. Letters from Thomas Jefferson. sessed the liberty of reflection, they would have From the Richmond Compiler of April 6, 1816. avoided a measure as impotent as it was inflamma-, The following are extracts from letters tending tory. When I saw lord Chatham's bill, I enterto prove that the American declaration of inde. Itained high hopes that a reconciliation could have