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mands made by England on her sinking fund in the last three years, and that during that period, though in the year 1811 England had acquiesced in the declared inability of Ireland to contribute by fresh taxes to the public exigency, and that every effort has since been made by Ireland to meet her difficulties, and that she now applies to this resource only when the resources of taxation are exhausted. If England has cancelled 250,000,0001., he would not say that she had not purchased a right to do it by the sacrifices she had continued to make, and if he now recurred to the same means of relief, it was known to those with whom he had acted, and indeed he hoped that the financial efforts which had been made would prove that he had not been eager to recur to it. He felt that it was unnecessary to dwell longer upon this or any other points, when he recollected the ample discussion which most of the topics received on a former night, and which many of them probably would still receive while the bills for consolidating the debts and revenues of both countries were in progress through parliament.

After various observations from different members, in which the

statements of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were represented as flattering and fallacious, the resolutions were put and agreed to.

The unexampled financial difficulties under which the nation laboured in the present year, necessarily rendered the plan for raising the supplies rather a provision against urgent and immediate events, than a satisfactory liquidation of the demands upon the public revenue; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself admitted that the expenditure of the year would much exceed the income. the income. This gloomy situation of affairs was placed in its strongest light by Mr. J. P. Grant, who, on the 31st, rose to address the House on the subject. After a variety of observations on the expenditure, as stated in the resolutions offered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the hon. gentleman moved a number of resolutions of his own, concluding with one, which stated the deficiency of the present year at 17,877,0651. As we do not mean to protract this chapter by matter of debate which produced no result, it is enough to mention that the previous question being put and carried upon each of these resolutions, they wer ordered to be printed.

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Revision of the Statute Book.-Motion on Extents in Aid.-Debates on the Slave Registry Bill.-Prince Regent's Speech on proroguing

Parliament.

N this year a course was be

I run effecting a very

reform in legal proceedings, by a revision of the statute book.

On May Sth, Earl Stanhope rose in the House of Lords to submit a promised motion on the subject of the statute book. There were, he said, two precedents which involved his principle: one, the proposition of Lord Grenville in 1809, for forming into one act all those acts which imposed the punishment of death in revenue cases, which had been adopted the other, a proposition made by himself for referring to the judges, a bill to reduce into one act all those imposing the punishment of the pillory, which bill now lay upon the table. At the end of this bill of the judges, some observations were annexed, stating, that the pillory was made the punishment for some offences, not merely by statute, but by common law and that they could not say, but that some statutes on the subject might have escaped them. In fact, he himself had pointed out two statutes of George II., to which they had not adverted—a proof of the disordered state of the statute book, The earl then enumerated a considerable number of instances, some of them very curious, of

the contrariety and inconsistency

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at present the statute book was a perfect hotchpot, a chaos of darkness, disorder, and confusion. He concluded by moving, That the House do resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to consider of the best means of arranging the statute law of this country under distinct and proper heads,"

The Lord Chancellor declared himself willing that the matter should be referred to a committee, to see to what extent the noble Earl's idea could be acted upon, though he had no hope that it could be carried to the extent which he seemed to suppose. Some good, however, might be done, ...l

After some further conversation on the topic, the Lord Chancellor moved an amendment, that the matter should be referred to ༢༥ a select committee, which was adopted,

On the 10th, Earl Stanhope reported from the select committee two resolutions, declaring the expediency, in their opinion, of arranging the enactments in the statute book under distinct heads, and that a person learned in the law should be appointed for that purpose, with a number of clerks under him, These resolutions

were

were agreed to by the House; and a message was sent to the Commons, communicating these resolutions.

The resolutions being read in the House of Commons, June 10th, the question was put on an amendment, proposed for extending the classification of the statutes to Scotland and Ireland. Mr. Bankes having moved upon it, that the debate be adjourned to that day three months, the motion was rejected by 60 votes to 26.

The following resolution was then agreed to: "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said resolution so amended, That from the present state of the statute law of this realm, it is highly expedient, that effectual measures should be taken to arrange the matters contained in the statutes of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and in the statutes passed in the separate parliaments of England, Scotland, and Ireland, respectively, under distinct and proper heads."

A legal topic of considerable interest was brought into public discussion on May 30th, by Mr. William Smith, on a motion respecting extents in aid. The hon. gentleman, in his introductory explanation, stated, that the extents issued by the Court of Exchequer had gradually risen in number, from nine in 1801, to a hundred in 1815. Of these processes there are two kinds, in chief, or in aid; the former are on immediate crown debtors; the latter, on the petition of a crown debtor, in order to satisfy the crown demands, when the party is unable

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to pay, his means being withheld. The power of extents is such, that they take place of all other debts, and may be levied, not only on the goods belonging to the debtor, but even on the cattle of others on his lands. In an extent in aid, the party suing it out, applies to the crown office for a writ against himself as a debtor of the crown. The writ is directed to the sheriff, requiring him to summon a jury to take an inquisition on the suit: an affidavit is exhibited in his court, upon which the jury find the debt. The verdict being thus obtained by the party, he goes before one of the barons of the Exchequer, and asks for a fiat. In the reign of Charles II., the Court of Exchequer declared, that this fiat should be granted only upon debts originally due to the crown, upon debts of specialty, and after motion in open court. These guards had of late years become of no practical effect, and many cases occurred in which simple contract debts, with which the crown had no connection, had been assigned to the crown, and this without any motion in court. By this practice of issuing out extents in aid, it was scarcely necessary to show, that any debt was due to the crown the party taking out process had only to swear, that he was debtor to a certain amount, and obtain an extent for a sum of any magnitude.

The hon. gentleman proceeded to state individual cases of abuse, in every one of which, he said, the party applying for the process was much more than able to discharge his own debt to the crown, but chose fraudulently to employ

this fiction for his own private ends. The first of these cases we shall quote, as a specimen of the nature of these transactions. A corn-dealer had given a large bill of exchange to a country correspondent, subsequent to which, and before the bill became due, a docket was struck against him. The holder of the bill repaired to an acquaintance of his, a farmer of the post-horse duty, saying, "such a man is in bad credit, therefore discount me this bill, and you have the power of issuing an extent against him." This was done; and the farmer of the duty having made affidavit, that this was an original debt, the extent issued; and though the whole transaction was a tissue of fraud, it was with difficulty set aside by the assignees at the expense of 5001. After reciting a number of instances of abuse equally flagrant, Mr. S. moved, "That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the practice of granting, out of the Court of Exchequer, extents in aid of the debtors of the crown, with the abuses which have taken place therein, and to report thereupon to the House."

The Solicitor General said, that the hon. gentleman might rely upon his exertions, and those of the Attorney-general, to correct those abuses as they arose in the courts of law. There was a power in the Court of Exchequer to set aside extents which had been abusively employed, though it could not prevent the improper use of the process, if a man would venture to make a false affidavit. The judges could not be expected to have every affidavit read before

them, but they would ultimately. do justice to the parties. It did not therefore appear to him, that a case had been made out, which called for the interference of the legislature. There might be abuses in issuing the process, but he did not believe there was any in the law itself; for which reason he should move the previous question.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he had been informed, that extents in aid had been very improperly issued, in consequence of the distress which had prevailed during the last summer, and that he had made further inquiry into the subject. The Lords of the Treasury had since directed the judges to consider what regulations ought to be adopted, and to make their report. also mentioned, that the Treasury had given directions, that no persons, either directly or indirectly concerned in country banks, should be allowed to act in the collection of the revenue.

He

After several members had spoken on the subject, in which debate it appeared, that the speakers in general were in favour of a committee of inquiry, but that the lawyers were against it, a division took place on Mr. Smith's motion, which was lost by a majority of 65 to 56.

Mr. Ponsonby then moved, "That there be laid before this House, copies of all rules in the Court of Exchequer, touching the issuing of extents in aid." This was opposed by the Attorneygeneral, and on a division was negatived by 70 to 55.

Though the issue of these attempts to exterminate a gross

abuse,

abuse, was not such as might have been expected, it cannot be doubted, that salutary effects will result from the manner in which it has been brought into public notice.

In the historical matter of the last year, notice was taken of the alarm excited in Jamaica, by a bill relative to the registry and regulation of slaves, introduced to parliament at the close of the last session by Mr. Wilberforce, The subject occasioned some warm and coptous debate in the present parliament, the acrimony of which was aggravated by the calamitous insurrection which took place in Barbadoes.

The topic first engaged the attention of parliament by a petition presented to the House of Commons, May 22d, by Mr. Hart Davis, from the West India planters, and merchants residing at Bristol. The petitioners set forth, that they had heard with great alarm of the notice given of a bill about to be introduced to that House, for enforcing throughout the British colonies in the West Indies, a general registry of slaves, disclosing in its details a spirit of interference with the local legislation of the colonies, which, from considerations of justice and policy, could not be too anxiously deprecated-that endeavours have long been made to inculcate the belief, that the statutes for the abolition of the Slave Trade had been rendered non-effective, by the bad faith and illicit conduct of the colonists, but that their legislatures expressly denied the imputation, and challenged the assertors to the proof. The petition concluded with praying, that the bill

in question might not pass into a law, and that the petitioners might be heard against it by their counsel or agent.

It was affirmed by Mr. Protheroe, that, several of the petitioners were, to his knowledge, decided advocates for the abolition of the Slave Trade; and that the merchants of Bristol were well known to have voluntarily abandoned that trade before it was abolished by the legislature.

Lord Castlereagh rose, to ask Mr. Wilberforce, whether he proposed to bring forward any measure with respect to the registry of Slaves during the present session; because, if such was his intention, he would urge certain considerations, which, he hoped, would induce him to waive his purpose. He then alluded to the negociations pending with certain foreign powers relative to the Slave Trade; and he also suggested to his hon. friend, whether his system was not much more likely to be effective, if aided by the co-operation of the local legislatures. Touching on the right of parliament to legislate for the colonies, he said, that nothing short of absolute necessity should urge the assertion of that right, especially on a measure, proposing to subject them to taxation without their will,

Mr. Wilberforce, though he entertained no sanguine hopes from the assistance of the colonial authorities, would, however, make one concession to the advice of his noble friend. But he still felt the propriety of some discussion on the merits of the measure he had in contemplation, and for that purpose should

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