sulship, the battles of Marengo and Hohenlinden, and the acquisition of imperial sway by the Corsican. Then, indeed, a continued success did not follow the strides of ambition-then, indeed, unjust aggressions, and cruel and disgraceful reprisals began to mark the conduct of the imperial chief; -then, indeed, great military prowess, and still greater military faults characterized the autocrat. All this M. Jomini has not had the candour to avow; but it is, nevertheless, no less true.

Here, also, we have the assassination of the Duke d'Enghien, which Buonaparte wished to justify on the plea of baseness of police agents and fanaticism: but his own word, and his own atrocious heartlessness, were the oracles which pronounced the unhappy prince's doom; and, as for the police, it was the fruit of his own care, for he had re-organized it himself. Here we have also the condemnation of Moreau and other conspirators, and the final exaltation of the Consul to the throne of the most Christian Kingsinvested with the imperial purple, clothed with the attributes, and possessed of the leonine heart of the god of War. And this again is followed by arguments on the absolute necessity of an hereditary government, which is most appositely applied by the General to the case of the First Consul.

The campaign of Austerlitz augmented the military renown of Napoleon; and its description gives a powerful representation of the precipitation of the Emperor's movements. The whole of this portion of the book is well and vividly executed by General Jomini.

The writer endeavours to justify the invasion of Spain, and then passes to the German Campaign, crowned by the victory of Wagram. After this he exposes the motives of the Russian invasion, and recounts the adventures accurately, holding a middle path between the Baron Fain and Comte de Ségur. This is followed by the Campaigns of 1813 (terminated by the battle of Leipsic), of France (terminated by the abdication of the humbled Chief), and 1814, so glorious for the British arms.

The spirit of the book is. eulogistic of Buonaparte-indeed, that seems to have been General Jomini's great inducement for the undertaking. Hence he has failed: no blame for want of skill, however, can be attached to the author; for the General, however clever, is by no means conjurer sufficient to work impossibilities.

Benjamin Constant. De la Religion, considérée dans sa source, ses formes, et ses developpemens. 3 vols. Paris, 1827.

THE third volume of this work has been published this year. It is not inferior to the preceding ones, and surprises us by the same erudition and philosophical deductions, for which the two first volumes have proved so interesting. The sixth Book treats of the constituting elements of the sacerdotal polytheism, and Chapter 1 of the combination of the worship of elements and the stars with that of the fetiches; chap. 2 of the popular part of sacerdotal polytheism; chap. 3 of the secret doctrines of the sacerdotal corporations of antiquity; chap. 4, instances of this combination among the Egyptians; chap. 5, instances of this combination in the religion of the Indians; chap. 6 of the causes which have modified this combination in India, without prevailing over the priesthood; chap. 7 shows that instances may be found among all nations subject to priesthood. The seventh book treats of the constituting elements of polytheism, independent of sacerdotal government. The most interesting chapters are, chap. 2, of the state of the Greeks, in the heroic times; chap. 5, of the embelishment of the divine forms in the Homeric polytheism; chap. 6, of the character of the Homeric gods; chap. 7, of the notions of the Greeks on fate. And the last book, or liv. viii,, shows that the religion of the Odyssey is

of

of another period than that of the Iliad, and that its composition was also of a later date.

The author has availed himself of the writings of all the eminent German scholars on the subject, especially of Ottfried Muller, whom he calls un des écrivains les plus savans, et les plus ingénieux de l'Allemagne :' he has been very cautious in following Creuzer, and, we think, justly gives the preference to his antagonist, Hermann. Nothing, surely, can show better the difference between the two scholars, than the definitions they have given of Mythology. Creuzer says, Mythology is the science which teaches us how the universal language of nature expresses itself, in various symbols. This, though fanciful, is most vague and indefinite! But, Hermann says, Mythology is the science which shows us what notions and ideas the ancient people represented, by certain symbols, images, or fables. When, Iliad xxi. 34., Vulcan fights against Scamander, Creuzer, on the authority of Philostratus, assures us that this shows the combat of the humid against the dry; but we are convinced that Homer never dreamt of such nonsense: these divinities fight against each other as the other gods, Minerva and Apollo, do. Those who still cling to the good-natured belief, that Homer is the author of the Iliad and the Odyssey, may read Benj. Constant's arguments on the subject: they are not more powerful than the Proleg. of Wolf, but equally convincing. That the Odyssey was not written by the author of the Iliad, has been already established by certain ancient grammarians, called the Chorizontes, as was proved lately in a clever dissertation in the Rhenish Museum, edited by Niebuhr; but Benjamin Constant endeavours to point out the internal discrepancies of the two works: he shows, incontestably, that the Iliad belongs to the heroic age, but the Odyssey to a civilized time, when society, religion, and manners had already undergone material revolutions. What he says on the tragic writers is also very true:-Eschylus and Sophocles were believers in the ancient mythology-they took it as they found it; but Euripides was the Voltaire of his time: the popular divinities were to him only physical forces, or metaphysical abstractions, and he employed the religious traditions only for theatrical effect, as a vehicle for his own philosophical notions. The death of Socrates may have embittered him, and shaken the last remnant of belief; for persecution, we observe, makes generally more unbelievers than converts; but, then, Euripides ceases to be a sure and infallible testimony, with regard to ancient mythology. This may suf fice to show the importance of this work: we should have shortened our remarks, had it ever been noticed before by any of our contemporaries. La Congiura de' Baroni del Regno di Napoli di Camillo Porzio. Milan, nou. edit. 1 vol. in 16.

CAMILLO PORZIO, a Neapolitan lawyer, is the Sallust of modern Italy, and of his works two different editions have been recently printed.

The character of Ferdinand I., of Arragon, is well known. His son, the Duke of Calabria, was of a disposition unquiet, warlike, and most greedy of power and riches. Although young, his influence was most decided over state matters; of this, however, the great age of his father was one main reason. He was, however, equally detested by his own subjects and strangers; more particularly by the Italian princes, whom he was constantly endeavouring to embroil in warfare, by the most insidious machinations his design, in this, was to extend his own dominions. In this scheme he was too successful, for he seized on Siena and some neighbouring cities, and the only resource of the Florentines was, to make a diversion in their favour through the instrumentality of the Turks,

:

who

who, from Albania, passed into Southern Italy, and seizing on Otranto, pillaged the surrounding country. He was thus forced to abandon his ambitious views on Tuscany: but being destitute of means to resist the Turks, in consequence of the impoverished condition of the country, and the irritation of the aristocracy, he thought fit to complain to his father of the repugnance of the Barons to grant him assistance, and proposed their spoliation, to furnish supplies for the war. This proposition, however, was principally levelled against two individuals; the first was Anthony Pistrucci, who, from the lowest condition, had, by his great talents, raised himself to the principal ministry, amassed extraordinary wealth, and gained immense power, by territorial purchases and family alliances with the principal nobility: thus he became the most powerful of the barons. The second was the Count Sarno, who, poor at first, although belonging to the ancient nobility, had, by successful traffic, become so rich, that the king himself desired to participate in his speculations. This circumstance opened to him the doors of the council chamber, and heaped upon him such credit, consideration, power, and fortune, that he in fact swayed the reins of government. These two individuals, though different in temper, proceeded together with the most decided understanding.

Count Sarno first complained to the king of the duke's propositions, which were by no means secret, and offered up his whole fortune, if necessary, to save his majesty from the ignominy of committing open violence. A similar scene took place between the king and the minister Pistrucci. Before both, the monarch disavowed all intentions of force or injustice; on which these two nobles fitted out an armament against Otranto, and, in succour of Rhodes; and as this was eminently successful, they acquired the surname of "Deliverers of their Country."

The Pope, however, had confederated with the Venetians against the Duke of Ferrara, who demanded succour of the Duke of Calabria, of whom he was brother-in-law. This was instantly granted. The Florentines, and Ludovico Sforza, had also declared for Ferrara, and it was agreed that they should annoy the Venetians in Lombardy, while the latter attacked the Pope. In this he was altogether unsuccessful, for the papal troops, commanded by Malatesta, wholly routed his army at Velletri. But the pontiff was discouraged by the death of his general, made overtures to the duke, and allowed him free passage through his dominions. The duke then beat the Venetians on their own territories, although they had descended on Otranto, and seized several towns. But Sforza, in pursuance of the then Italian policy, equally feared the aggrandizement of his enemies and friends, and made peace with the Venetians on condition that they should restore to the King of Naples the captured places, and retain only a small portion of their conquests in the Ferrarese. This so infuriated the Duke of Calabria, that he wrote to his father, and desired money, to chase the Venetians from the Italian Continent. But the old king was nowise conditioned for the furtherance of the war, and was, therefore, glad enough to accept the treaty. This maddened the duke, and he reverted to his old project of despoiling the barons, as the only means of effecting his purpose. This intended measure was quickly spread throughout the country, and a grand conspiracy was projected, at the head of which was the Count of Sarno, with the Prince of Salerno and the Prince of Bisignano. They immediately armed their dependants, fortified their castles, and began to watch narrowly the conduct of the king and duke, until they were in condition to make manifest their intentions. For this purpose, the Count de Sarno remained at court; this, however wisely considered,

considered, threw distrust on that individual, and fears were entertained of his truth. The minister also remained at court; this resulted from his ordinary timidity. But the conspirators turned for assistance to Pope Innocent VIII., who was newly elected, and was a known enemy to the Aragonese dynasty. To their wishes the pontiff made a favourable reply, and promised, moreover, to obtain for them the assistance of the Duke of Lorraine, of the House of Anjou, and a pretender to the crown of Naples. But the Duke of Calabria had received intimation of the conspiracy, and suddenly departed for Aquila, in the Abruzzi, the second city of the kingdom. There he artfully imprisoned the chief of the powerful family of the Camponischi, together with his wife and children; and levying violently large sums of money from the principal inhabitants, he left there a strong garrison. But the Aquilans revolted, and placed themselves under the papal banner, with the determination of taking full vengeance; and their feeling of absolute hatred spread rapidly throughout the kingdom, on the news of fresh atrocities committed by the prince in the Capuan provinces. The theatre of the war was, by turns, in Apulia, in the Abruzzi, and in the provinces of Capua, and was even shifted before the very gates of Rome. The country overflowed with blood, and was sadly impoverished. The people manifested great energy, notwithstanding the secondary factions of the Orsini and Colonesi. The plans of the barons were so well laid, that the only places open to the duke were the capital, and the road to Rome; but dissension manifested itself among the leaders, for the Count de Sarno and the Prince de Salerno had become irreconcilable foes. The Duke of Lorraine, moreover, had failed in the promised succours.

The pope, however, in order to recover for the barons those advantages which they had lost by their petty dissensions, raised up the Swiss against he Milanese, and the Genoese against the Florentines, who immediately wished to recal their respective forces from the royal army; but the trick of Ludovico Sforza saved the king and the duke, and destroyed the barons. He cunningly proposed to the pope a general peace-he assured him that the Neapolitan princes were ready to do him homage for their kingdom, to give a free pardon to their rebellious subjects, and to redress their injuries. The pontiff consented, and the barons were delivered up to the anger of Ferdinand and the Duke of Calabria. The barons were invited to the capital-they found themselves compelled to obey-all but the Count of Sarno, and he, knowing the leonine ferocity of the royal monsters, shut himself in his castle, determined to defend himself to the last. But the wily Aragonese was too subtle for the Neapolitan; he wrote him the most affectionate letter of forgiveness, and offered his niece in marriage to the count's son; the father made an immediate and joyful journey to the court, accompanied by his whole family. There he was kindly received, the day for the marriage was fixed, and the minister, his son, and the principal barons, were invited to the ceremony. When they had assembled, the palace gates were shut, the two principal nobles, with their families, were arrested, and thrown into prison. They seized, however, the eldest son of the minister, and, tying him to a wild horse's tail, he was mercilessly dragged to death. The count died under the executioner's axe. The minister was tortured, that he might discover his treasures, and at last underwent a death rendered atrocious by the most horrible cruelty; and, sooner or later, the other barons underwent a similar fate, while their once opulent families were reduced to the most abject poverty. Thus ended this Neapolitan tragedy.

VOL. I. NO. I.

Y

Visconti,

Visconti, E. Q. Opere Varie Italiane et Francesi. Milano, 1827. THE archæological treatises of Visconti are collected by Dr. Labus, and the engravings executed under the inspection of Pelagio Pelagi. Three numbers have appeared: No. 1 contains the treatise on the Monument of Scipio. The inscriptions upon it are highly interesting. The most ancient, that of Scipio Barbatus, was only found in 1780; the other, that of Lucius Scipio, has belonged to the Museo Barberino since the year 1616. Niebuhr supposes them to be transcripts of the Nenia, or songs in honour of the dead. We wonder that he did not give a correct copy of the inscriptions, as they are but little known. We shall, therefore, insert them. Cornelius. Lucius. Scipio. Barbatus. Gnaivod. Patre Prognatus. Fortis. SapiensqueQoius. Forma. Virtutei . Purisuma Fuit - Consol Censor. Aidilis. Quei. Fuit Apud. Vos-Taurasia, Cisauna Samnio. Cepit-Subigit. Omne. Loucana Opsidesque. Abdoueit. Honi. oino. ploirume. cosentiont R (omani Duonoro. optumo. fuise. viro

Luciom. Scipione. filios. Barbati

Consol. Censor. Aidilis. hic. fuet. a (pud vos)

Hec cepit. Corsica. Aleriaque . urbe

Dedet. Tempestatebus. aide. mereto

It is remarkable how nearly the Latin language approached to the Greek at that time, since they wrote, as in the Eolic dialect, oi instead of u, or oino instead of uno. Thus #ol Μοισαι—Μουσαι. The most interesting dissertation in No. 2, is that on two ancient Mosaics, which represents Tugμávus. Visconti informs us, that the ancient Mosaic is infinitely more durable than the modern, because they used simply chalk instead of mastix to glue the pieces together. We learn also that the statue, vulgarly called Pasquino at Rome, is a statue of Patroclus. In No. 3 are contained the Triopean inscriptions of Herodes Atticus, which are now in the villa Borghesi. There are still at Athens magnificent ruins of the Odeon of this Herodes Atticus, if the Turks have not destroyed them.

SPANISH BOOKS.

The difficulty of procuring books from Spain is very great, even if the press teemed with publications; but the galling censorship prevents all free discussion: men of letters have, therefore, either left the country in disgust, or refuse to submit their performances to the severe measures of restriction. The consequence is, then, that not above two or three books emanate from the royal press of Madrid, and about as many from those of the provincial capitals. This being the fact, we cannot, in this number, preserve any uniformity with the shorter reviews on this subject; this difficulty, however, shall be obviated in the succeding numbers.

The following are the principal books published in the Peninsula, or abroad:-Vida y Hechos del pícaro Guzman de Alfarache, ó Atalaya de la vida humana, por Mateo Aleman. Lyon, 4 vol. 18mo.

This is a reprint of the 1st and 2nd part of Aleman's work, and one of the best specimens of the pure Castilian. It would be a good novel if the frequent digressions did not fatigue the reader.

Poesias Lyricas de Don Juan Bautista Arriaza, tomo 2. Madrid. Imprenta Real 1826, 8vo.

This is the 5th edition. The first volume was published in 1822. It is well done, and accompanied with plates engraved in London, which were also used for the English edition. The poetry, however, is more remarkable for easy versification than high flown genius.

Verdaderos principios de la Lengua Castellaña, or True Principles of the

Spanish