was unwilling to go into battle till he had secured her protection." Parallel with the honors paid to martyrs and other saints, and like them gradually passing from a natural and normal respect to a kind of superstitious worship, were the honors rendered to their relics. The passage cited from Theodoret shows how sacredly such memorials were treasured by different places, and how great benefits were supposed to depend upon their presence. A striking index of the gross form which veneration of relics sometimes assumed is supplied by Evagrius, who lived in the latter part of the sixth century. Speaking of the martyr's remains, which were regarded as the glory of the church of St. Euphemia, he says, "There is an aperture in the left side of the coffin, secured with small doors, through which they introduce a sponge attached to an iron rod, so as to reach the sacred relics; and, after turning it around, they draw it out, covered with stains and clots of blood. On witnessing this, all the people bend in worship, giving glory to God."2 It would appear, however, that relicworship did not gain the ascendency without being vigorously challenged by at least a few. Vigilantius, a presbyter of Barcelona in Spain, and a contemporary of Jerome, heaped open scorn upon the idolatrous practices of his time, and named those engaged in them "worshippers of ashes, and idolaters." 1 Schaff, Church History, iii. § 82. We notice also that in the oath prescribed by Justinian to those undertaking public offices, Mary is placed next to the persons of the Trinity; then follow the four Gospels and the archangels Michael and Gabriel. (Novella ix.) 2 Hist. Eccl., ii. 3. A conspicuous place among relics was occupied by fragments of the cross. The assumed discovery of this took place as early as the time of Constantine. His mother, Helena, had the honor of bringing to light the sacred memorial. Being in search of the Holy Sepulchre, she caused the idolatrous temple, which cumbered the site, to be removed. "The tomb," writes Theodoret, "which had long been concealed, was discovered; and three crosses, the memorials of the Lord, were perceived near it. All were of opinion that one of these crosses was that of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that the other two were those of the thieves who were crucified with Him. Yet they could not discern upon which one the body of our Lord had been nailed, and upon which His blood had fallen. But the wise and holy Macarius, the bishop of the city, succeeded in resolving this question. After engaging in prayer, he induced a lady of rank, who had long been suffering from disease, to touch each of the crosses; and the efficacious power residing in that of the Saviour manifested its identity. In fact, it had scarcely been brought near the lady, when the inveterate disease left her and she was healed." Soon the world was filled with splinters of the true cross; and there was genuine occasion for the theory, broached by some, that the wood of the original was miraculously replenished. Relics of other kinds also became suspiciously plentiful. Even in the verdict of those believing in relics, the trade in this species of merchandise was overdone, and attempts were made in the direction of its limitation. 1 Hist. Eccl., i. 18. Compare Rufinus, Hist. Eccl., i. 7, 8; Socrates, i. 17; Sulpicius Severus, Hist. Sacra, ii. 34. Relic-worship naturally added greatly to the impulse to visit sacred places. Great multitudes were turned towards Palestine. Chrysostom speaks of the whole world as streaming to the site of Christ's birth, suffering, and burial. Rome was also a favorite pilgrim resort, both on account of the worldly celebrity of the city and the sanctity given it by the graves of the great apostles. The relics of St. Stephen attracted many to Hippo in North Africa. Multitudes in quest of miracles flocked to the tomb of Martin of Tours in Gaul. Meanwhile there were emphatic cautions against an overestimate of the virtue of pilgrimages. Jerome affirmed that the place of the crucifixion profits those only who bear their cross, and that heaven is as accessible in Britain as in Jerusalem. Gregory of Nyssa pointed to the immoralities flourishing in pilgrim resorts as a proof of the little worth of that which is addressed merely to the senses. "Change of place," says he, "brings God no nearer. Where thou art, God will come to thee, if the dwelling of thy soul is so prepared that God can dwell and rule in thee." 2 The development of tendencies to image-worship was not so radical and universal, in this period, as was the growth of saint and relic worship. At the close of the fourth century it had become quite common to adorn churches with pictures, especially with scenes from the history of martyrs. This, however, was obnoxious to some, as appears from the decided reprobation of such a practice by Epiphanius. Near the same time a fraction of the Church began to pay a superstitious homage to the pictured or sculptured representations of vener1 Epist. lviii., Ad Paulinam. 2 Opera, Tom. iii., Epist. ii. 2 ated persons. "I know," says Augustine, "that there are many worshippers of tombs and pictures." At the same time, he intimates that such persons were to be found only among the ignorant, superstitious, and nominal Christians. Augustine's judgment on this subject was largely prevalent in the Latin Church for a considerable interval after his time. "In the Church of the West," says Neander, "this moderate policy, holding to the mean between unconditional repudiation of images and their worship, maintained itself into the next period, as we see from the example of the Roman bishop, Gregory the Great." In the East, on the other hand, even the better class imbibed the superstition of the more ignorant; and in the course of the sixth century it became the dominant custom to honor those who were objects of special veneration by doing obeisance before their images. The theory which lay back of the practice may be seen in the following statement from the apology of Leontius, a bishop of Cyprus, in this century: "The images are not our gods, but they are images of Christ and His saints, for the commemoration and honor of whom, and for the adornment of the churches, they are employed and are venerated. For he who honors. the martyr honors God, and he who worships His mother pays homage to Him, and he who honors an apostle honors Him who sent him." Much after the manner of the Emperor Julian's defence of idol-worship, Leontius commends the veneration of images, by reference to the tokens of endearment which affectionate children might bestow on the memorials of an absent parent. 1 De Moribus Eccl. Cath., § 75. He claims, also, gracious effects from images in healing the possessed and in converting the ungodly.1 III. MIRACLES OF SAINTS AND RELICS. A notable characteristic of the whole period was the ready assent accorded to reputed miracles of relics and of living saints. Distinguished monks, in particular, were credited with the wonder-working faculty. It was not merely the unthinking populace which reposed faith in the multitude of prodigies that were reported: eminent Fathers of the Church added the weight of their testimony in favor of the supernatural power exercised through relics and pious ascetics. This may be thought to establish a certain presumption on the side of the reality of the so-called miracles. But off-setting considerations of no little weight may be enumerated: (1) In so far as heathen tendencies had come into the Church with the masses formerly devoted to heathenism, the heathen predilection for the magical and the marvellous, as contrasted with the moral, was rife. There was a certain inordinate greed for the miraculous, and demand tends to create supply. (2) Catholics had a motive to make the most of reputed miracles, in order to outshine schismatics and heretics, who also laid claim to miracles.2 That the more thoughtless would be influenced by such a motive, may properly be taken for granted. Especially would such be incited by personal affection and interest to exalt the deeds of an associate 1 Mansi, xiii. 43-54. 2 The language of Augustine, Tract. in Joan., xiii. 17, indicates that the Donatists appealed to miracles with an apologetic design. |