what they mean collectively-" that the ❝ villa of Mergillina had solitary woods; "had groves of laurel and citron; had << grottos in the rock, with rivulets and "springs; and that from its lofty situa"tion it looked down upon the sea, and ❝ commanded an extensive prospect."

It is no wonder that such a villa should enamour such an owner. So strong was his affection for it, that when, during the subsequent wars in Italy, it was demolished by the imperial troops, this unfortunate event was supposed to have hastened his end.

Vaucluse (Vallis Clausa) the favourite fetreat of Petrarch, was a romantic scene, not far from Avignon.

"It is a valley, having on each hand, as you enter, immense cliffs, but closed "up at one of its ends by a semicircular ridge of them; from which incident it "derives its name, one of the most stu"pendous of these cliffs stands in the front of the semicircle, and has at its foot an "opening into an immense cavern. With "in the most retired and gloomy part of "this cavern is a large oval bason, the "production of nature, filled with pellu"cid and unfathomable water; and from "this reservoir issues a river of respectable "magnitude, dividing, as it runs, the "meadows beneath, and winding through the precipices that impend from above." This is an imperfect sketch of that spot, where Petrarch spent his time with so much delight, as to say that this alone was life to him, the rest but a state of punishment.

In the two preceding narratives I seem to see an anticipation of that taste for natural beauty, which now appears to flourish through Great Britain in such perfection. It is not to be doubted that the owner of Mergillina would have been charmed with Mount Edgecumb: and the owner of Vaucluse have been delighted with Piercefield. When we read in Xenophon, that the younger Cyrus had with his own hand planted trees for beauty, we are not surprised, though pleased with the story, as the age was polished, and Cyrus an accomplished prince. But when we read, that in the beginning of the 14th century, a king of France (Philip le Bel) should make it penal to cut down a tree, qui a este garde pour sa beaute, which had been preserved for its beauty; though we praise the law, we cannot help being surprised, that the prince should at such a period have been so far enlightened.

Harris.

$214. Superior Literature aud Know ledge both of the Greek and Latin Clergy, whence-Barbarity and Ignorance of the Laity, whence-Samples of Lay Manners, in a Story from Anna Comnena's History-Church Authority ingenuously employed to check Barbarity-the same Authority employed for other good Purposes-to save the poor Jews-to stop Trials by battle.-More suggested concerning Lay Manners.-Ferocity of the Northern Laymen, whence-different Causes assigned.-Inventions during the dark Ages great, though the inventors often unknown.-Inference arising from these inventions.

Before I quit the Latins, I shall subjoin two or three observations on the Europeans in general.

The superior characters for literature here enumerated, whether in the Western or Eastern Christendom (for it is of Christendom only we are now speaking) were by far the greatest part of them ecclesiastics.

In this number we have selected from among the Greeks the patriarch of Constantinople, Photius; Michael Psellus ; Eustathius and Eustratius, both of episcopal dignity; Planudes; Cardinal Bassario

from among the Latins, venerable Bede; Gerbertus; afterwards Pope Silvester the Second: Ingulphus, abbot of Croyland; Hilderbert, Archbishop of Tours; Peter Abelard; John of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres; Roger Bacon; Francis Petrarch many Monkish historians; Æneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius the Second, &c.

Something has been already said concerning each of these, and other ecclesiastics. At present we shall only remark, that it was necessary, from their very profession, that they should read and write; accomplishments at that time usually confined to themselves.

Those of the Western Church were obliged to acquire some knowledge of Latin; and for Greek, to those of the Eastern Church it was still (with a few corruptions) their native language.

If we add to these Preparations their mode of life, which, being attended mostly with a decent competence, gave them immense leisure; it was not wonderful that among such a multitude, the more meritorious should emerge and soar, by dint of genius, above the common herd. Similar effects proceed from similar causes. The learning of Egypt was possest by their priests;

priests; who were likewise left from their institution to a life of leisure.

From the laity, on the other side, who, from their mean education, wanted all these requisites, they were in fact no better than what Dryden calls them, a tribe of Issachar; a race, from their cradle bred in barbarity and ignorance.

A sample of these illustrious laymen may be found in Anna Comnena's history of her father Alexius, who was Grecian emperor in the eleventh century, when the first Crusade arrived at Constantinople. So promiscuous a rout of rude adventurers could not fail of giving umbrage to the Byzantine court, which was stately and ceremonious, and conscious withal of its internal debility.

After some altercation, the court permitted them to pass into Asia through the Imperial territories, upon their leaders taking an oath of fealty to the emperor.

What happened at the performance of this ceremonial, is thus related by the fair historian above-mentioned.

"All the commanders being assembled, " and Godfrey of Bulloign himself among "the rest, as soon as the oath was finish"ed, one of the counts had the audacious"ness to seat himself beside the emperor 66 upon his throne. Earl Baldwin, one of "their own people, approaching, took the "count by the hand, made him rise from "the throne, and rebuked him for his in"solence.

"The count rose, but made no reply, "except it was in his own unknown ❝jargon, to mutter abuse upon the em" peror.

66

"When all things were dispatched, the emperor sent for this man, and demand"ed who he was, whence he came, and of "what lineage?-His answer was as fol"lows-I am a genuine Frank, and in the "number of their nobility. One thing I "know, which is, that in a certain part "of the country I came from, and in a "place where three ways meet, there stands an ancient church, where every one who "has a desire to engage in single com"bat, having put himself in fighting order, "comes, and there implores the assistance "of the Deity, and then waits in expec"tation of some one that will dare attack "him. On this spot I myself waited a "long time, expecting and seeking some "one that would arrive and fight me. But "the man that would dare this, was no "where to be found.

66

"The emperor, having heard this "strange narrative, replied pleasantly"If at the time when you sought war, you could not find it, a season is now "coming in which you will find wars "enough. I therefore give you this ad"vice; not to place yourself either in the "rear of the army, or in the front, but "to keep among those who support the "centre; for I have long had know"ledge of the Turkish method in their "wars."

This was one of those counts, or barons, the petty tyrants of Western Europe; men, who, when they were not engaged in general wars (such as the ravaging of a neighbouring kingdom, the massacring of infidels, heretics, &c.) had no other method of filling up their leisure, than, through help of their vassals, by waging war upon one another.

And here the humanity and wisdom of the church cannot be enough admired, when by her authority (which was then mighty) she endeavoured to shorten that scene of bloodshed, which she could not totally prohibit. The truce of God (a name given it purposely to render the measure more solemn) enjoined these ferocious beings, under the terrors of excommunication, not to fight from Wednesday evening to Monday morning, out of reverence to the mysteries accomplished on the other four days; the ascension on Thursday; the crucifixion on Friday; the descent to hell on Saturday; and the resurrection on Sunday.

I hope a farther observation will be pardoned, when I add, that the same humanity prevailed during the fourteenth century, and that the terrors of church power were then held forth with an intent equally laudable. A dreadful plague at that period desolated all Europe. The Germans, with no better reason than their own senseless superstition, imputed this calamity to the Jews, who then lived among them in great opulence and splen dour. Many thousands of these unhappy people were inhumanly massacred, till the pope benevolently interfered, and prohibit ed, by the severest bulls, so mad and sanguinary a proceeding.

I could not omit two such salutary exer. tions of church power, as they both occur within the period of this inquiry. I might add a third, I mean the opposing and en deavouring to check that absurdest of all practices, the trial by battle, which Spel

mar

man expressly tells us, that the church in all ages condemned.

It must be confessed, that the fact just related, concerning the unmannered count, at the court of Constantinople, is rather against the order of Chronology, for it happened during the first crusades. It serves, however, to shew the manners of the Latin or Western laity, in the beginning of that holy war. They did not, in a succession of years, grow better, but worse. It was a century after, that another crusade, in their march against infidels, sacked this very city; deposed the then emperor; and committed devastations, which no one would have committed but the most ignorant, as well as cruel barbarians.

But a question here occurs, easier to propose than to answer "To what are we "to attribute this character of ferocity, "which seems to have then prevailed "through the laity of Europe?"

Shall we say it was climate, and the nature of the country?-These, we must confess, have, in some instances, great influence.

The Indians, seen a few years since by Mr. Byron in the southern parts of South America, were brutal and savage to an enormous excess. One of them, for a trivial offence, murdered his own child (an infant) by dashing it against the rocks. The Cyclopes, as described by Homer, were much of the same sort; each of them gave law to his own family, without regard for one another; and besides this, they were Atheists and Men-eaters.

May we not suppose that a stormy sea, together with a frozen, barren, and inhospitable shore, might work on the imagination of these Indians, so as, by banishing all pleasing and benign ideas, to fill them with habitual gloom, and a propensity to be cruel?-Or might not the tremendous scenes of Etna have had a like effect upon the Cyclopes, who lived amid smoke, thunderings, eruptions of fire, and earthquakes? If we may believe Fazelius, who wrote upon Sicily about two hundred years ago, the inhabitants near Etna were in his time a similar race.

If therefore these limited regions had such an effect upon their natives, may not a similar effect be presumed from the vast regions of the North? may not its cold, barren, uncomfortable climate, have made its numerous tribes equally rude and savage?

If this be not enough, we may add an

other cause. I mean their profound ignorance. Nothing mends the mind more than culture; to which these emigrants had no desire, either from example or education, to lend a patient ear.

We may add a farther cause still, which is, that when they had acquired countries better than their own, they settled under the same military form through which they had conquered; and were in fact, when settled, a sort of army after a campaign, quartered upon the wretched remains of the ancient inhabitants, by whom they were attended under the different names of serfs, vassals, villains, &c.

It was not likely the ferocity of these conquerors should abate with regard to their vassals, whom, as strangers, they were more likely to suspect than to love.

It was not likely it should abate with regard to one another, when the neighbourhood of their castles, and the contiguity of their territories, must have given occasions (as we learn from history) for endless altercation. But this we leave to the learned in feudal tenures.

We shall add to the preceding remarks, one more, somewhat similar, and yet perfectly different; which is, that though the darkness in Western Europe, during the period here mentioned, was (in Scripture language) "a darkness that might be felt," yet it is surprising, that during a period so obscure, many admirable inventions found their way into the world; I mean such as clocks, telescopes, paper, gunpowder, the mariner's needle, printing, and a number here omitted.

It is surprising too, if we consider the importance of these arts, and their extensive utility, that it should be either unknown, or at least doubtful, by whom they were invented.

A lively fancy might almost imagine, that every art, as it was wanted, had suddenly started forth, addressing those that sought it, as Æneas did his companions

-Coram, quem quæritis, adsum. VIRG. And yet, fancy apart, of this we may be assured, that though the particular inven tors may unfortunately be forgotten, the inventions themselves are clearly referable to man; to that subtle and active principle, human wit, or ingenuity.

Let me then submit the following que

Every past age has in its turn been a present age. This indeed is obvious, but this is not all; for every past age, when present, has been the object of abuse. Men have been represented by their contemporaries not only as bad, but degenerate; as inferior to their predecessors both in morals and bodily powers.

This is an opinion so generally received, that Virgil (in conformity to it) when he would express former times, calls them simply better, as if the term, better, implied former of course.

Hic genus antiquum Teucri, pulcherrima proles, Magnanimi heroes, nati melioribus annis.

Of earthly race, as men are now, could fight. As these heroes were supposed to exceed in strength those of the Trojan war, so were the heroes of that period to exceed those that came after. Hence, from the time of the Trojan war to that of Homer, we learn that human strength was decreased by a complete half.

Thus the same Homer,

ὁ δὲ χερμάδιον λάβα χειρί

Τυδείδης, μέτα ἔργον, ὃ οὐ δύογ ̓ ἄνδρι φέροιεν,
Οῖσι νῦν βροτοί εἰσ' ὁ δέ μιν ρ' εα πάλλε και οἷος.

la. E. 302.

Then grasp'd Tydides in his hand a stone,

Virgil goes farther, and tells us, that not twelve men of his time (and those too chosen ones) could even carry the stone which Turnus flung:

Vix illud lecti bis sex cervice subirent, Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus; Ille manu raptum trepidâ torquebar in hostem. Fn. xii. 899.

Thus human strength, which in Homer's time was lessened to half, in Virgil's time was lessened to a twelfth. If strength and bulk (as commonly happens) be proportioned, what pigmies in stature must the men of Virgil's time have been, when their strength, as he informs us, was so far diminished! A man only eight times as strong (and not, according to the poet, twelve times) must at least have been between five and six feet higher than they

We need only ask, were this a fact, what would the Romans have been, had they de generated in this proportion for five or six generations more?

Yet Juvenal, subsequent to all this, supposes a similar progression; a progression in vice and infamy, which was not complete till his own times.

Then truly we learn, it could go no farther:

Nil erit ulterius, nostris quod moribus addat
Posteritas, &c.

Omne in præcipiti vitium stetit, &c.
Sat. i. 147, &c.

But even Juvenal, it seems, was mistaken, bad as we must allow his times to have been. Several centuries after, without regard to Juvenal, the same doctrine was inculcated with greater zeal than ever.

When the western empire began to decline, and Europe and Africa were ravaged

As men are now, but he alone with ease

Hurl'd at

ing (and formidable they were) naturally

led

led men, who felt them, to esteem their own age the worst.

The enemies of Christianity (for Paganism was not then extinct) absurdly turned these calamities to the discredit of the Christian religion, and said, the times were so unhappy, because the gods were dishonoured, and the ancient worship neglected. Orosius, a Christian, did not deny the melancholy facts, but, to obviate an objection so dishonourable to the true religion, he endeavours to prove from historians, both sacred and profane, that calamities of every sort had existed in every age, as many and as great as those that existed then.

If Orosius has reasoned right (and his work is an elaborate one) it follows, that the lamentations made then, and made ever since, are no more than natural declamations incidental to man; declamations naturally arising (let him live at any period) from the superior efficacy of present events apon present sensations.

There is a praise belonging to the past, congenial with this censure; a praise formed from negatives, and best illustrated by examples.

Thus a declaimer might assert (supposing he had a wish, by exalting the eleventh century, to debase the present) that "in "the time of the Norman conqueror we "had no routs, no ridottos, no Newmarkets, "no candidates to bribe, no voters to be "bribed, &c." and string on negatives as long as he thonght proper.

What then are we to do, when we hear such panegyric?—Are we to deny the facts? -That cannot be-Are we to admit the conclusion?-That appears not quite agreeable.-No method is left, but to compare evils to evils; the evils of 1066 with those of 1780; and see whether the former age had not evils of its own, such as the present never experienced, because they do not now exist.

We may allow the evils of the present day to be real-we may even allow that a much larger number might have been added but then we may allege evils, by way of return, felt in those days severely, but now not felt at all.

We may assert, 66 we have not now, as "happened then, seen our country con"quered by foreign invaders, nor our pro"perty taken from us, and distributed "among the conquerors; nor ourselves, "from freemen, debased into slaves; nor "our rights submitted to unknown laws,

"imported, without our consent, from "foreign countries."

Should the same reasoning be urged in favour of times nearly as remote, and other imputations of evil be brought, which, though well known now, did not then exist, we may still retort that—" we are no longer now, as they were then, subject "to feudal oppression; nor dragged to war, "as they were then, by the petty tyrant "of a neighbouring castle; nor involved "in scenes of blood, as they were then, " and that for many years, during the un"interesting disputes between a Stephen

" and a Maud."

Should the same declaimer pass to a later period, and praise, after the same manner, the reign of Henry the Second, we have then to retort, " that we have now no "Beckets." Should he proceed to Richard the First, "that we have now no holy wars"

to John Lackland, and his son Henry, "that we have now no barons' wars”—and with regard to both of them, "that, "though we enjoy at this instant all the "benefits of Magna Charta, we have not "been compelled to purchase them at the "price of our blood."

A series of convulsions bring us, in a few years more, to the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster-thence from the fall of the Lancaster family to the calamities of the York family, and its final destruction in Richard the Third-thence to the oppressive period of his avaricious successor; and from him to the formidable reign of his relentless son, when neither the coronet, nor the mitre, nor even the crown, could protect their wearers; and when (to the amazement of posterity) those, by whom church authority was denied, and those, by whom it was maintained, were dragged together to Smithfield, and burnt at one and the same stake.

The reign of his successor was short and turbid, and soon followed by the gloomy one of a bigotted woman.

We stop here, thinking we have instances enough. Those, who hear any portion of these past times praised for the invidious purpose above-mentioned, may answer by thus retorting the calamities and crimes which existed at the time praised, but which now exist no more. A true estimate can never be formed, but in consequence of such a comparison; for if we drop the laudable, and allege only the bad, or drop the bad, and allege only the laudable, there is no age, whatever its real character, but