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doubts upon the matter, by what he likewise our properties, our liberties, our religion, our really did, and endeavoured to do.-VIII. laws, and whatever privileges we now glory in, But a late seditious pamphlet tells us a tragi- and that no other subjects in the world can cal story of the decay and loss of trade by this boast of? would they have king James come present war, that the Dutch run away with in again by agreement? Besides, the apparent our trade at sea, and the French with our impossibility of the thing, upon several and ships: this is but a mere groundless flourish, obvious accounts, I would willingly be satisthat can only make impression upon some fied, as I was saying before, how we can trust weak minds, that neither understand their own him after so many violations of his word; and interest, nor that of the nation they are in: since by the principles of his religion, he is it is true, we have lost several ships, and that obliged in conscience not to keep either word is unavoidable in the beginning of any war as given, or oath taken, to protect and promote well as in this, till the merchantmen bound heresy, if he is once in power to destroy it. homewards are informed of a war declared, If our pamphleteer pretends to a change of which must needs require some time; but of late government, by a French invasion, he must we have lost none, or we have taken the equi- either be a professed French papist, or a very valent of our losses from the enemy; and for bad English Protestant, and quite of a differthe time to come, his majesty has taken such ent temper from all true Englishmen, who measures, that it shall not be hereafter in the have stood in opposition from all times to the power of the French to put a stop to our trade, French interest, not only upon the account of either into Holland, Spain, the East Countries, the Protestant religion, but likewise because of or West and East Indies: and as for the their civil rights, which both they must of neDutch, it is a groundless supposition, though cessity part with, if the French ever got foottoo often in the mouths of such as are dis- ing in England.-X. I confess, as things now affected to the government, that they run stand, there is little or no danger at all of their away with our trade, since the contrary may attempting the conquest of their ancient conbe easily made out to an unprejudiced mind; querors, the English, because of our union at do we not trade still, as well as the Dutch, present against France, with so many powerful both to the East and West Indies, to Swede- allies; but yet, if we take not hold of this opland, Denmark, Hamburgh, and Poland? Do portunity by the fore-lock, I know not what the French allow them free passage more than may happen in another scene of affairs, in case to us? and if they send abroad greater mer- we were left alone to deal with the French; chant fleets, and perhaps under greater con- who by the connivance of the last two reigns, voys than we do; by so doing they rather lend are become so formidable at sea, as to be a us a helping hand, than wrong us; because in match either for us, or the Hollanders.. Now, the mean time they clear the seas of French can any man of reach blame the king, for reprivateers, which makes of course our voyages commending so often to the late parliament, the safer, and great convoys not so absolutely the absolute necessity of prosecuting vigorously necessary, as they would be at another time, the present war, in this present juncture of our when we were not in union with the Dutch: affairs, or find fault with the representatives of so that such reflections are either but idle and the nation, for supplying him with the necesfrothy discourses, or made upon a design to sary sinews of war, especially since he has raise sedition, and stir up the nation against offered to give them an account of the disposal the present government: but grant that what of their money, for the very uses they designthis disaffected pamphleteer says were really ed it for: neither can we be jealous of his matrue, as it is not, in the full measure he would jesty's design in calling in foreigners, in order to have it, let us balance our present decay of the speedy reduction of Ireland, because it is a trade on the one side, and on the other hand matter of great consequence, for the humbling the consequences of not prosecuting vigorously of France, both by sea and land, together with the present war against the French, and we our allies, to put an end to our domestic broils shall easily discover either the gross mistakes with all possible expedition; and this cannot of such as discourse after this rate, or their be better performed, than by joining to our real designs to ruin their country, by preferring own forces a body of veteran and experienced a small inconveniency of not so full a trade, to foreigners.-XI. But this looks, says some of the very being of liberty and religion, and per- our male-contents, as if his majesty mistrusted haps of the nation itself.-IX. For let us allow his own subjects, which if narrowly looked into, to this pretended politician, the desired change is a mere groundless aspersion, since all his of government he seems to aim at, this can majesty's forces, both by sea and land, an innever happen but in one of these three ways, considerable number of foreigners excepted, either by the returning of king James again, are natives, either of England, Scotland, or or by the invasion of king Lewis, or by a civil Ireland: does the French king mistrust his war at home; which last thing, if some do own subjects, because of his joining with them really intend, they design nothing else but several foreign nations, as Switzers, Italians. their own ruin, and that of their country; and and both English, Scotch and Irish upon occaif they would have king James to come again, sion; the true reason of this common practice must he come in by conquest? if he ever re-is, that an army consisting of forces of differcovers England by conquest, where are then ent nations, is upon this account more formi

ver like to happen, to put a veil before our eyes, hindering us to see the brink of the precipice we now stand upon, is an unaccountable piece of folly, or rather madness, that no man having his wits about him can be guilty of; yet we must needs prove guilty of such a piece of madness and folly, if through a groundless fear of what can never happen in England, as things are now ordered, we should scruple to secure ourselves by the help of foreigners from the Jacobites and the male-contents, who might perhaps get the upper-hand, if not prevented in time, by some good method, as this is now thought to be.-XIII. No farther en

dable than it would be, if it consisted of mere | much as in prospect; for upon mere apprenatives, that both those foreigners, and the na-hensions, and groundless fears, of what is netives, fighting through emulation, leave no stone unturned to outdo one another; the observing of this maxim made the Dutch a free people, to the pitch we see them in at this day. The French likewise owe in part their present greatness to the valour of the English, Scotchs and Switzers, who fighting not so much out of any particular kindness to them, as for their own reputation, were wont to overthrow whatever stood in their way, to the great advantage of the French, under whose pay they then were undoubtedly this is his majesty's design in sending for foreigners, that the natives may act their parts the better by emulation and example; so that though it be allow-croachments upon our rights and privileges are ed to be true, as certainly it is, that king William has a sufficient number of his own subjects to reduce Ireland, and those of an unquestionable valour too; yet it is prudence in him to call in strangers, to give life and a new vigour to his armies upon occasion. XII. But in our case there is another reason not to be dissembled, why the present government thinks it necessary to make use of foreigners for our assistance; and it is, that though the nation be full of stout and valiant men, that might alone do the business, yet it is to be considered in this unparalleled juncture of our affairs, that if we divide the three kingdoms into six parts, two I doubt, at least, would prove either Jacobites, or disaffected to the present government: Now, what if the king raised an army, consisting in part of Jacobites, or of persons disaffected to the present government, since it is hard to know the bottom of men's hearts; what if I say this happened, might not such an accident as this, not altogether impossible, endanger the whole nation, and throw it into the greatest confusion imaginable, either by setting up king James again, and the French interest, or by converting this ancient and moderate monarchy into a common-wealth, which would prove perhaps no less the ruin of the nation, than an absolute, arbitrary, and tyrannical government? Is it not then more advisable now, and I am sure those that love their religion, and the present interest, will be of my opinion, to make use of this juncture of foreigners, together with the natives, to keep a little in awe the hidden Jacobites, and such as are disaffected to this government, lest they undertake to ruin the nation, upon the first fair opportunity to execute their treasonable and pernicious designs? this complaint of our male-contents had been more plausible in another juncture of time, than in such an one as this is, which once successfully over, and a peace concluded, we are secured by our laws from our own standing forces, as well as from foreigners. In the time we ought to look to ourselves, as all wise men ought to do, and secure ourselves against pressing and present dangers the best way we can, without minding remoter accidents, and merely possible events, that are not yet so

to be feared in time to come, since the bad success of all our late kings is an example to all their successors, wherein they may read their destiny, if they understood so little their own interest, as to act arbitrarily, as some of their predecessors did, to the great disturbance indeed of their subjects for a time; but at last, to the utter ruin of themselves and their adberents: his present majesty is so fully persuaded of this truth, viz. That the sovereign's greatness in England depends chiefly and only upon the love of his subjects; that taking his interest and the people's to be the same, as really it is, and always ought to be, to shun the dangerous factions of court and country, he prodently complied with their just desires, to whatever they thought fit to be done for the common good. I am then of opinion, that England was never so happy as it is now, (laying aside the consideration of the present war so absolutely necessary,) because of the good understanding of the king and his subjects, though our seditious pamphleteer leaves no stone unturned to divide them; whoever he is, he must needs be a man of a strangely disaffected spirit, since he blames the late parlia ment, for allowing his majesty so much power, as makes him a true king, and not the bare representation and shadow of one, as he would really be, if according to the project suggested by this man, he should not be allowed so much as the liberty of chusing his own counsellors, nor of proroguing parliaments either, upon occasion, &c.-XIV. The suspending and stopping, or stabbing, as he calls it, of the Habeas Corpus Act, puts him in a great fit against the date parliament, as having by this suspension wronged the liberty of the subjects; yet if before we give our last judgment upon the matter, we consider as we should do, all things impartially, not suffering ourselves to be biassed, by a wrong apprehension of things, we shall easily discover that the suspending of that act, at that time, was the only way to secure our properties and liberties, by preventing a civil and domestic war, which in all likelihood bad ensued, had it not been prevented in time, by impowering the king to secure such as, because of their quality, or their former engagements with the then malecontents, were like

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liest to prove ringleaders to new disturbances, ceeding ages, have thought fit to declare and in a time when things were not as yet settled establish the rights of the people so fully, and upon so sure a foundation as they now are. upon such a sure foundation, that England now XV. But nothing is more insufferable in this is the securest and happiest nation in the seditious phamphleteer, than his affected jea- world, if the natives can be but sensible of lousy of his majesty's being a sincere protes- their own happiness. Felices nimium bona si tant; as if the nation should be the more sua nôrint Agricolas !'-XVIII., Four things esafraid of him upon this account, because for- pecially declared in this act, secure us from opsooth the parliament is likelier to give him pression, tyranny, and arbitrary power. 1st, more power, than if he were a papist, or of a The rejecting of either a dispensing or suscontrary religion to that of the nation. This pending power. 2dly, All grants of money for, is such an unaccountable reflection, that I or to the use of the crown, reserved to the cannot but wonder to hear it from the mouth parliament for the time in being. 3dly, The of any man, that either pretends to common disbanding of standing armies in time of peace, sense or reason: for, 1st, At this rate of argu- unless the parliament give consent to the keeping, it would be better for us to have a king we ing them on foot. 4thly, The settling of the hated and feared, than one of the same reli- succession of the crown. I need mention gion we loved, and were sure of; which is nothing else contained in this act, to shew that such an absurd inference, that none but a we are the only subjects in the world, that can madman can propose it as reasonable. 2dly, boast of freedom and liberty, in case our Grant what he says to be true, as it is not, our princes cannot dispense with our laws, as they religion, however, is secure, and perhaps the cannot without our leave, since they are not to securer, the greater power we trust him with. give us, for the only reason of their kingly acBut, 3dly, As our late representatives gave so tions, Tel est nostre bon plaisir, Their goodmuch power to our glorious deliverer, as made will and pleasure, as the French king does; him a king, and a powerful one too, so on the for however the French modes have taken other hand, they have had so much regard to with us of late, we could never yet fall in love the safety of the people, as to secure their pri- with so absolute a mode as this. As our kings vileges and civil rights from any future in- must act by law, and not absolutely, though croachments of the prerogative, as may easily real kings, they do nothing of moment, but by be made out by the late act, declaring the and with the advice of their parliaments: our rights and liberties of the subject, and settling happiness then consists in this, that our princes the succession of the crown.-XVI. The popish are tied up to the law, as well as we, and upon subjects are generally so oppressed, by their an especial account obliged to keep it up in absolute sovereigns, that through an excessive its full force; because if they destroyed the flatter, and fear of blows, they seem to wor-law, they destroy at the same time themselves, ship their kings as Gods, allowing them an illimited power, which no man of sense can admit of in a being of a limited nature, or at least allowing them to be the fathers, and absolute masters of their people, though the kings generally came out of the people's loins, as being at first made by them, and not the people out of theirs; and though subjects ought not to lord it over their sovereigns as masters, yet they ought not to be their slaves neither, but are to enjoy under their government such privileges and liberties as may settle them in an unalterable state of happiness, that the princes themselves may not destroy at pleasure; for as nothing is more rational than that we should submit in all things to the absolute power of God over us, so nothing is more unreasonable, than a blind obedience to earthly princes, as if they were as infallible as God bimself; whereas their very kingship proves sometimes an occasion to make them the more liable, both to error, as being often misinformed of things, and to sin likewise, if they are not truly religious, as king William undoubt edly is, because of their uncontrolled power of doing what they please.—XVII. For these, and other reasons of that kind, though William iii, whom God long preserve, be the mildest and moderatest prince that ever sat upon the English throne, yet our representatives, to secure us from the encroachments of this and all suc

by overthrowing the very foundation of their kingly grandeur, and regal power; So that our government not being arbitrary, but legal, not absolute, but political, our princes can never become arbitrary, absolute, or tyrants, without forfeiting at the same time their royal character, by the breach of the essential conditions of their regal power, which are to act according to the ancient customs, and standing laws of the nation. If we are happy upon this account, that our kings can neither suspend nor destroy our laws, we are no less to be envied, that our purses are secured from the encroachments of an aspiring covetousness, by that part of this act, which tells us, 'That levying money for, or to the use of the crown, by pretence of prerogative, without grant of parliament, for longer time, or in other manner, than the same is, or shall be granted, is illegal.'-XIX. We may easily think our security greater than that of any other nation in Europe, if we reflect but a moment upon this important article, that we are never obliged to open our purses, but by the order and consent of our representatives, whom we have trusted with the care of our interest; which being equally theirs at the same time, we have no reason to fear that they ever lay any taxes upon us, but when it is absolutely necessary for the preservation of our lives, liberties, and religion, as all seeing men confess it to be, in the present juncture of

our affairs, to prevent the return of popery and arbitrary power. This privilege has made our government to be envied by all our neighbour nations, and the happiest that can be imagined; for there being no surer way for a prince to become absolute, arbitrary, and a tyrant, than to impoverish his subjects to that degree of want and misery, as inay force them for subsistence to comply with all his desires, whether just or unjust, he is disabled by this act from doing them any mischief that way; I mean, by squeezing the blood out of their veins; that is, the money out of their pockets, for any design he might have of ruling over them as mere slaves to the want of privilege, we may chiefly ascribe the slavery the French nation groans under, their prince disposing absolutely of their estates at pleasure, and laying such heavy taxes upon his subjects, as leave them not money enough to buy leather shoes, instead of which they are forced to make use of wooden ones; so that the French are not so much in the wrong, as one would think, when in their flattering panegyrics they style him sometimes their God, since they in a manner are his creatures, whom he creates or destroys, by the least word of his mouth; for so absolute his power is, that his will is the only law they can depend upon, insomuch, that when he publisheth his orders for gathering of money, if his subjects cannot supply him otherwise, they must sell their goods, and whatever they have, to give him what he demands; yea, I have known in France poor people sell their beds, and lie upon straw, sell their pots, kettles, and all their necessary household goods, to content the unmerciful collectors of the king's taxes. By this little hint we may easily see, how much happier we are, as being laden with no burthens but what we are able to bear, and enjoying securely our estates, and whatever we can call our own, under the protection of our laws. Should we then leave any stone unturned to keep ourselves as we are, by opposing to our ́utmost such a cruel conqueror, as the French king would undoubtedly prove, if he ever, to our great misfortune subdued us?-XX. But let us speak one word to the third thing I mentioned before, that by this act we are to have no standing army in time of peace; the advantage whereof we may easily conceive, if we look a little aside towards our neighbours the Freuch, they suffer patiently in time of war the heaviest taxes, and would not think themselves so much to be pitied, as now they are, if a peace concluded with the enemy bettered their condition, for they are then in a worse condition, in a manner, than they were before, because the standing armies impower their prince to do what he pleases in time of peace; it is then that he looks about him, to consider who has got together any considerable treasures, that he may ease them of them, though lawfully gained, and by good services done to the crown; so that it is no wonder if the French subjects chuse at any time war rather than peace, because in time of peace, their king's

armies are wholly employed against them, whereas in the time of a settled war, they are partly taken up in opposing a foreign enemy. Let the impartial reader judge from the premises, of the happiness of the English subjects, compared, with the miserable condition of the French.-XXI. The late parliament has done another thing, without which, notwithstanding all our other advantages contained in this act, our happiness had not been lasting, as it is now like to be for ever; and it is the settling of the succession of the crown upon Protestants, and none but Protestants: the words of the act are so remarkable, that I think it fit to insert them here, before I give you my reflections upon them. Whereas it has been found by sad experience, that it is inconsistent with the safety of this protestant kingdom, to be governed by a popish prince, or by any king or queen marrying a papist, the said lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, do further pray, that it may be enacted, that all, and every person and persons, that is, or shall be reconciled to, or hold communion with the See or Church of Rome; or shall profess the popish religion, or shall marry a papist, shall be excluded, and be for ever uncapable to inherit, possess, or enjoy the crown and government of this realm, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, or any part of the same, or to have, use, or exercise, any regal power, authority, or jurisdiction within the same; and in all, or every such case, or cases, the people of these realms shall be, and are hereby absolved of their allegiance, and the said crown, and government, shall from time to time descend to, and be enjoyed by such person or persons, being Protestants, as should have inherited and enjoyed the same, in case the same person or persons, so reconciled, holding communion, or professing or marrying as aforesaid, were naturally dead.'-XXII. Nothing more certain than what is here asserted, that it is inconsistent with the safety of this protestant kingdom, to be governed by a popish prince, or by any king or queen marrying a papist: if we look back to the public transactions, in the days of king Charles i, we shall soon be convinced of this undeniable truth, since we may derive all our domestic and civil disturbances from his marrying a popish French princess, who at last became so troublesome to him, that he was forced to send home to France again all her attendants, in hopes to bring her to a better temper, by removing from her such popish emissaries, as were thought to put her upon some dangerous designs, which made the nation jealous of her secret intrigues with France; yea, and sometimes of the very king's religion, as if he had been perverted by the queen, or her priests, or had shewn himself somewhat too much inclined to the popish way of worship: but whether things were just as the people fancied them, or not, it is certain this unlucky match was the occasion of our civil wars, and of so much bloodshed in these three nations: such another sus

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picion as this, was the secret spring of all our domestic troubles, during the reign of king Charles ii, for though he professed outwardly the protestant religion, yet the people, upon what grounds I know not well, could not be sometimes satisfied, but that he was either a papist, or popishly inclined; and upon this very account, the nation was always apprehensive of French pensioners, of popish plots, of tyranny, and arbitrary power: now such apprehensions and fears could not but be the seed of divisions among us, of heart burnings, and either of grounded, or groundless jealousies, to the endangering the peace and safety of the whole kingdom: so true it is, that it is inconsistent with the safety of this kingdom to be governed by a prince thought to be popishly affected, but sure far more to be governed by a sincere, zealous, and professed papist, as we all know king James gloried to be; how near we were the brink of our ruin during his reign, and how unavoidable our entire ruin was, had he reigned longer over us, is so evident to all seeing men, that I need not enlarge upon the matter here. I shall only add in this place, in order to make out the truth of what is asserted by the late parliament, that it is inconsist ent with the safety of this protestant kingdom to be governed by a papist,' that when our prince is a real papist, he is obliged by the principles of his religion, to do his utmost endeavours to submit his subjects to the pope's jurisdiction.-XXIII. First, because he must then of course look upon his subjects as real heretics, and schismatics, whom if he do not root out by all possible means, he is liable to be deposed by the pope, according to the famous and known decision of the third council of Lateran; how then can a protestant nation put any trust in such a prince, whose whole business is, and ought to be, to destroy their religion, and force them to return to the old Romish superstitions again? And if subjects cannot trust their sovereign, it is but rational to think they will take all imaginable measures to prevent their own ruin, and that of their religion, always dearer to them, if they have any piety at all, than their very lives; but these very measures, bow just soever, must needs breed stirs in a nation, to the general disturbance of the natives; since the politic body, no more than the natural, can be a moment in a quiet temper, without a free and friendly intercourse and communication between the head and the members. Secondly, If a popish prince is obliged in conscience, as I elsewhere intimated he is, neither to stand to his promise, nor word given, to protect heretics, and heresy, how can he sincerely promise, to maintain and defend our Church; or rather how can we be so silly as to believe he will maintain it, since it is not in his power to do it, in case he finds himself in a posture to undertake its ruin? But, Thirdly, to be some what more particular, the safety of this nation was inconsistent with the government of the late king James, upon a particular account that I

shall here mention.-XXIV. Of all the different persecutions of the Church of God, none can be compared to the late persecution of France, both for its cruelty and novelty. The Roman emperors, I confess, exercised all imaginable barbarities upon the bodies of the primitive Christians, but never attempted, or, pretended any right over their souls, and consciences; they banished them, tortured them, invented all sorts of death to destroy them, but, the art of dragooning men into religion, was reserved to be the contrivance of Lewis xiv. Though he was engaged by the most solemn edicts of Nants and Nisme, and by his coronation oath, to protect and defend the French protestants, with all their rights and privileges: had he declared he would suffer no longer the Hugonots in his kingdom, and ordered them upon that account to depart out of it, if they could not change their religion, we had not complained so much of his severity, how antichristian soever; but not to suffer his subjects to leave him, nor to live with him, without turning to his principle, and that not by argument, but by all the wounds the dragooning sword could inflict, that of death only, which in this case was the least, excepted, is such an example of cruelty, as is not to be paralleled by the greatest fury of the Roman persecutions; and which without doubt contributed not a little to our late happy revolution, by determining the English, through an absolute necessity, to do what they did for their own safety; for had they not reason to look to themselves, considering the proceedings of the French king, contrary to all his oaths and promises, to maintain, defend, and protect the Hugonots; they could not but know that the late king James was more devoted to the interest of the Church of Rome, than Lewis xiv. himself: so that they could not in prudence but take to measures they have so successfully taken, for their own preservation, and that of the protestant interest in general. In one word, nothing could be more terrible to the English, who are so much in love with liberty and property, than to see themselves threatened to be dragooned out of both, by the help of such a powerful ally as Lewis xiv. The late parliament then considering the great progress king James had made, in a very short time, towards the bringing in of the French method of converting people to popery, and what impressions such a precedent as that of France might make upon a prince, that needeth no spur to the promoting of his own religion, thought it fit, and absolutely necessary, for the safety of the protestant religion, and the peace of this kingdom, to exclude for ever from the imperial throne of England all popish princes, whereby not England only is secured from such troubles as always ensue upon any jealousy between the king and the people from different principles of religion, but like, wise all the protestant princes abroad, are incouraged to stand their ground against popish invaders, since they may be sure of seasonable

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