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period of his career, we are unavoidably led to reflect on the consequences of the efforts she made, in opposing the mighty power of one, with whom she alone seemed able successfully to compete. Madam de Stael observes :

• The English give in their public papers, the most exact accounts, man by man, of the wounded, prisoners and killed :-noble candour of a government, which is equally sincere towards the nation and its monarch ; recognizing in both the same right to have a knowledge of what concerns the nation,'

Comment, at this time of day, is here unnecessary. But she adds, when leaving France for England

• I had already learnt, that suspecting my intention of going to England, they would endeavour to prevent me-- This new mortification was really above my strength to bear. On quitting my native country, I must go to that of my adoption—in banisbing myself from the friends of my whole life, I required at least to find those of whatever is good and noble ; with whom, without knowing them personally, the soul always sympathises :' And when one of her children observed to her, “ My dear mother, remember we are setting out for England ;” she says, " That word revived my spirits."*

The character here ascribed to England, the feelings to which the hope of her protection gave rise, the acknowledgment thus rendered and reiterated by the friends of liberty throughout the continent, and the compliment so generally paid to the independent spirit of her people—he enlightened views of some of her statesmen--to the freedom of her institutions, and the protection afforded by her laws,-these are indeed tributes of which she may be justly proud: they have formed the pillars of her strength, and have laid the foundation for the protracted existence of her power and prosperity. But England should Dow pause, and reflect on the securily of the tenure by which she holds her sway over the moral feelings and sentiments of the people of Europe; and how far the deeds of a misguided administration, the acts of assumed authority. or the aspirings of inordinate ambition and misplaced pride, may deprive her of that reputation--and sink her in the esteem of those who, possessing no rallying point in their own government or laws, to which they could revert with security, and on which they could rely with contidence and hope, were compelled to look to her for assi-tance in the day of need, and support in the hour of trial : whether her conduct since the peace has justified the

*· England was then the hope of all who suffered for the cause of libertyhow comes it, that after the victory her ministers, have so cruelly deceived the expectations of Europe ?!--Editor of Exile.

expectations of the continent; or whether she has not rather realized the predictions of her enemies, and disappointed the hopes, of the best friends to freedom and to man. Should she not consider, that the time may come, when that portion of the inhabitants of the continent who have so cherished her fame, will no longer identify her name with every thing that is magnanimous in conduct, and powerful in example; and that the period may soon arrive, when she will no longer be able to excite their feelings of regard, or create those sentiments of respect and gratitude, which would inspire a reverence for her institutions, a deference for her opinion, a pride in her triumphs, or a terror for her arms. And when she casts her thoughts beyond the Atlantic, and remembers, that she has already taught us, while emulating her spirit and profiting by her example, successfully to struggle with her on that element which she thought her own, and actually to wrest the laurels from her brow; and reflects that neither the relations of commerce, nor the ties of consanguinity, the feelings of personal attachment, nor the bonds of social intercourse, can retard a recurrence to an appeal to arms—which in the course of time must, sooner or later, be anticipated from the collision of commercial jealousies, or feelings of national prejudice and pride-may she not be forced to the conclusion, that, although the trident of Neptune is still held by her, with too firm a grasp, and will be defended by too proud a spirit, to be readily surrendered or easily won, yet, in the fulness of time, the sceptre of the ocean must pass from her possession, into the hands of those, who, if not entitled to it by the right of inheritance, will obtain it with the purchase of their blood. But, even while indulging these forebodings, England should still look to America, wiih far different feelings than those of jealousy: for if the time should come when the corruptions of the day shall have left her but the shadow of her former freedom; when wealth, centered in the hands of a few, shall lend its influence to oppress the rights of the people; when a mercenary army of soldiers, disiinct from the great body of her subjects, shall be paid to keep down the indignant feelings of their country's friends; when the manliness of personal independence, and the wholesome spirit resulting from the possession of rational freedom, shall give place to the licentious fury of a deluded populace, and the disorganizing acts of seditious factionists; when the wealthy and the timid shall confer on a worthless ministry, or a licentious monarch, the power necessary to secure their possessions, and quiet their f-ars; and when that sun which has shone with such lustre on her fortunes and her fame, shall be seen declining

in the west, giving only the reflected lustre of its retiring beams,

-England may again behold it in our distant horizon, shedding its benignant rays over a land of freemen, where the oppressed may ever find an asylum, and liberty her permanent abode. And should a momentary feeling of envy suggest to her that we have risen to consequence, and must attain to power on the ruins of her greatness, a return to more just and liberal feelings will furnish her with a proud subject for congratulation, and a fruitful source for consolation, when she considers that when her temples and her trophies shall have mouldered into dust, when the glories of her name shall be but the legend of tradition, and the light of her achievements live only in song, England may still admire in this rising Republic, peopled by her descendants, a nation inheriting her

spirit and perseverance, her manliness and pride—who will endeavour to emulate whatever is worthy in her example, and illustrious in her fame; and who will survive in power and greatness, to perpetuate her existence, by preserving all that is valuable in her customs and institutions, and by transmitting to remotest posterity her language and her laws.

ART. VIII.—Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745 and 1746. By

the Chevalier de JOHNSTONE, Aid-de-Camp to Lord George Murray, General of the Rebel Army-Assistant Aid-de-Camp to Prince Charles Edward-Captain in the Duke of Perth's Regiment-and afterwards, an officer in the French service.

Containing a Narrative of the progress of the Rebellion, from its commencement to the battle of Culloden; the characters of the principal persons engaged in it, and anecdotes respecting them; and various important particulars relating to that contest, hitherto either unknown or imperfectly understood. With an account of the sufferings and privations experienced by the author after the battle of Culloden, before he effected his escape to the continent, &c. &c. Translated from a French MS. originally deposit. ed in the Scots' College at Paris, and now in the hands of the publishers. Second edition, with additional notes, &c. 8vo. pp. lxxii.—456. London: Longman & Co. 1821.

The voluminous title-page of this book promises a great deal of information; and, making reasonable allowances for the promises of a title-page, it does not deceive the reader. The work is amusing and interesting; it bears the marks of truth and candour; and has the recommendation of being written, not only by a spectator of the scenes he relates, but by one whose situation enabled him to make near and accurate observations. It has been so much the fashion to sympathise with the misfortunes, and overrate the good qualities, of the Stuart family, that we were surprised to find one of their own friends, who had suffered in

their cause, representing the young Pretender in his true colours. The air of romance, which surrounds his descent and campaign in Scotland, united to his youth and subsequent misfortunes, form a fair excuse for mere novelists to heighten the interest of their narrative, by investing their hero with imaginary virtues; and the devotion of many of his followers might have made them slow to detect his faults; but the details of history prove him to have been wanting in many manly virtues, and the later actions of his life serve to confirm the justice of this opinion.

The author of these pages, who was in habits of daily and confidential intercourse with the Pretender, describes bim as weak and irresolute, impatient under adversity, and fool hardy in success; headstrong and credulous, ever ready to follow evil advice, yet pertinaciously rejecting the good. He gives him no credit for valour, where valour should have been pre-eminent; and ascribes all the success they obtained, to the generalship of Lord George Murray, and their chief calamities to the obstinacy and folly of the Prince. The memoirs are preceded by a well written introduction, by the editor, giving a cursory, but lucid view of the state of the country, from the commencement of Charles the First's stormy reign, to the period of the rebellion. In the course of his remarks, he gives the following sketch of the author of these memoirs.

• The Chevalier de Johnstone, the author, was the only son of James Johnstone, merchant, in Edinburgh. This family, by descent and alliance, were congected with some of the first houses in Scotland. His sister Cecilia was married to a son of Lord Rollo, who succeeded to the estate and title in 1765. The Chevalier de Johnstone appears in bis youth to have moved in the best society which the Scottish capital then contained, and to have been on the most intimate footing with the well-known Lady Jane Douglas, mother of the present Lord Douglas, who uniformly treated him with all the tenderness and regard of a parent. Educated in episcopalian and jacobite principles, on the first intelligence of the landing of Prince Charles Edward, he made his escape from Ediaburgh to Duncrub, the seat of Lord Rollo, near Perth, where he waited the arrival of the Prince in that town, and was one of the first of the Low-country gentlemen who focked to his standard. By the Misses Rollo, his relations, he was introduced to the Duke of Perth and Lord George Murray, the leaders of the rebel army, the latter of whom invited him to become his aid-de-camp, an invitation which he accepted. He acted for a considerable period in that capacity, and also as assistant aid-de.camp to the Prince himself. From the Prince he received a captain's commission, immediately after the battle of Prestonpans, and worn out with the incessant hardships of his situation of aid-de-camp, that hardly left him one hour in the four-and-twenty for repose, he immediately began to raise a comVOL. IV.


pany, with which, when completed, he joined the Duke of Perth's regiment. He bore a part in all the movements of the rebel army, and after the battle of Culloden, remained for some time in concealment in diferent places in the North, and then proceeded in disguise to Edinburgh, where he again remained for some time concealed in the house of Lady Jane Douglas at Drumshugh. He made his escape from Scotland to England, in the disguise of a Scots pedlar, and after remaining some time in London, he embarked with Lady Jane Douglas at Harwich, for Holland. It was his intention, on first reaching the continent, to proceed to Russia, where, by means of two uncles, Generals Hewit and Douglas, who possessed great influence in that country, he could bave established himself to advantage ; but he allowed himself to be persuaded to go to Paris, where he was buoyed up for some years with hopes of another expedition to Scotland. He obtained a share in the fund set apart by the government for Scots exiles, but, tired of an inactive life, he entered the French service, and was sent to the French possessions in North America, from which he returned to France on the conquest of these possessions by the English.'

The Prince was accompanied, on his bold attempt, by seven individuals, viz: the Duke of Athol, five obscure Irishmen, Macdonald a Scotsman, and an Italian valet de chambre. "A most

extraordinary band of followers,' the author observes, when we consider the daring enterprise on which they were entering, • which was no less than that of attempting to wrest the crown of

Great Britain from the house of Hanover, that had been so long ' in possession of it: Mr. Sullivan, who had served in Italy, was the only one versed in military affairs. His confidence in the goodness of his cause, and the fidelity of the Scotch, must have been firm indeed, to have permitted him to venture, without regular troops, experienced officers, or even good counsellors, upon so great and dangerous an undertaking. The author joined the banners of the Prince, immediately after his arrival, and served him faithfully, till the fatal battle which annihilated Charles's prospects of success. The author censures the conduct of Sir John Cope, too rashly, in not marching directly to crush the enterprise, before the adherents of the Prince could have time to collect about him. Although General Cope does not appear to have been an efficient officer, the blameable part of the proceedings, at the opening of the Rebellion, are to be traced to a higher source than to his authority. Indeed, the inaction and incredulity of the government at first, betrayed as much folly as their alarm, afterwards. At Perth, the Pretender was joined by Lord George Murray, brother to the Duke of Athol. Johnstone thus represents this general, and his words are entitled to more credit, when we consider that he had not parted from Murray in perfect friendship :

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