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Mr. Wil. berforce.

treaty and without this confultation of their opinions, he thought that if the treaty paffed, the moft alarming and deftructive confequences muft enfue to this country. In conclufion, Mr. Flood remarked that he was refolved to meet every principle of the treaty with his diffenting vote.

Mr. Wilberforce faid, he would rife and deliver his fentiments to the Houfe, however fenfible that he must appear to no fmall difadvantage after the great eloquence and ability of the right honourable gentlemen who had preceded him; yet he confeffed that the right honourable gentleman's fpeech had failed of producing conviction in his mind, which might probably be, because he had hinted at proving propofitions, to the proof of which no abilities whatever were equal; befides, that if the honourable gentleman's arguments against the treaty were sometimes powerful, he had taken off their effects by fupplying the answers to them himself. Mr. Wilberforce then pointed out, as he conceived, feveral inconfiftencies in Mr. Flood's arguments; as that the treaty was objectionable, because tending to harmony between us and France, of which we ought always to confider ourselves as the natural and jealous rivals, and yet faying at the fame time that it would be in vain for us to hope by a commercial connection to extinguifh the fpirit of animofity, adducing the inftances of the Dutch at Amboyna in fupport of the affertion, and contending that the competition of trade would foment the national principle of rivalfhip. The right honourable gentleman maintained, that France fupplied herself with manufactures, and yet spoke in another place of the goods we fmuggled into that country; that we should not attempt to enter into trade with an inimical power, yet fpoke of the value of the Spanish trade to us, though acknowledging France was always fure of her. But the honourable gentleman had refted much on the opinion of the manufacturers being contrary to the trea. ty: this Mr. Wilberforce declared, however, he knew not to be the cafe; they were almost univerfally favourable to it; nor was the state of things the fame as in the inftance of the Irish propofitions; nor were the arguments applicable which had been urged against that meafure; the great apprehenfion then was, that Irifh manufacturers would be fet to work with English capital, but in the prefent cafe there could be no fuch ground of apprehenfion; befides the reluctance every Engfifhman would feel at living under a defpotic government, and trufting his property to the arbitrary and uncertain determinations, and principles of a French tribunal, (arguments of which the honourable gentleman himself had admitted the force, though not then aware of the conclufion) would they be likely to erect thofe expenfive works, and conftruct those machines which were neceffary in carrying on the great manufactures

nufactures when the treaty was made but for a term of twelve years? This fhortnefs of the term of its duration, was a complete answer to this and many other arguments that were urged against it; for that term manufactures were as permanent and durable an article of fupply as produce, though much had been faid of the difadvantages attending an intercourfe between two countries, when the one furnished the fruits of the earth, a conftant produce, whilft that of the other was' variable and tranfitory, as manufacturers were ever shifting from place to place. Mr. Wilberforce faid, the right ho nourable gentleman had made great ufe of the figure of speech called the dilemma, and he muft fay, he thought the right honourable gentleman had involved himfelf in one, by making it neceffary for him either to give up his arguments or his vote. Mr. Wilberforce then anfwered other arguments which had been urged against the treaty; the appeals that had been made to experience, which, however, could only be fairly confulted by obferving wherein the cafes were parallel, and only fo far as they were fo, to a fimilar conclufion. A commercial intercourfe with France had, it was faid, been formerly unfavourable to this country; but then it must be recollected, our woollens were excluded from their markets by prohibitory duties, moft of our capital branches of manufactures were then either in their infancy or wholly unknown whilst they had the liberty of bringing in their filks, which were now prohibited, and their linens which our linen manufacturers were now not afraid of meeting in our market. Not to mention that all the connection with France was then a matter of juft alarm, when from the inclination of the Court the most serious dread was univerfally prevalent, both for our civil and religious liberties; when every well-wifher to both knew the danger that furrounded us, and was anxious to preferve the protéftant fucceffion, and refift the claim of the Pretender to the Throne. Mr. Wilberforce then gave many reafons why he thought the treaty would be advantageous to this country, both in a financial, commercial, and political view, adding, that this feemed of all others the most proper time to make it, when the French were refolving to exclude our manufactures, and fet them up for themfelves; for we made it unlikely that our manufacturers would go over to their affift. ance, by finding them new work at home, and took away much of the spur to French induftry, by fupplying them with our articles in a more perfect and finifhed ftate than they could hope at firft to produce by their own efforts. Mr. Wilberforce congratulated alfo every friend to the happiness of mankind, on the permiffion that was now granted of the free exercife of the Proteftant religion in France, which, he hoped, would tend to introduce a spirit of general toleration VOL. XXI.

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and good will. He confeffed, however, that the moft pleafing view he had of the treaty, was in the tendency which he hoped it would have to check thofe ruinous and deftructive contentions between the two countries, by making the preservation of an harmonious intercourfe the mutual intereft of both; not that we ought blindly to rufh into their embraces as the right honourable gentleman had faid; he would have us ftill watchful, but he would have us maintain the caution of jealoufy, without the folly and extravagance of that paffion. Much had been faid on a former day, of forming alliances, of the balance of power, of its being the policy of this country always to fet up itself in oppofition to that flate, whatever it might be, which was for the time the leading one in Europe. This principle, as far as it had been acted upon, had, he would allow, administered to our glory, and made us fplendid in the page of hiftory; but he wifhed the country and the Houfe of Cornmons would at length learn that important leffon, that the greatness and happiness of a people were not the fame. Impreffed with this truth, it was with pain he had heard the right honourable gentleman appeal to the ambitious feelings of the Houfe the preceding evening, though he confeffed the power of his eloquence was fuch, that he found it neceffary to keep his principle fteadily in view, that he might not be feduced by it. The true policy of Great Britain was, by a strict attention to the internal resources, the morals and manners of the people, to endeavour to make herfelf at once happy and refpectable; we fhould attend to our navy, the true fource of our ftrength, and of the best fort of frength, the defenfive; foreign connections would often lead us into quarrels, nor were they altogether fo easy to be formed as negociators might flatter themselves; of this the right honourable gentleman himself might afford an example, who did not find the fanguine expectations could be realized, which he had excited in the inftances of Holland and America; and he might alfo be adduced as an inftance, that alliances or confederacies, or coalitions, or whatever they might be named, between great powers, were not always productive of the good effects which had been hoped from them; but to be ferious, if the right honourable gentleman's fyftem had made us often reap the laurels of victory, and he feared and looked up to the fields of glory, and the cabinets of princes, yet had it not loaded us with 250 millions of debt, had it not Íaid us under the neceffity of abridging of his comforts every cottager in the kingdom; and what were the feelings of the poor creature who, with his windows ftopped up, with scarce food to eat, or a houfe to live in, by the miferable light of a candle he could fcarce afford to burn, was to be compenfated for all his diftrefs, by reading over a fpeech of the right ho

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nourable gentleman, in which he was dignified by the honourable appellation of the adjuster of the balance of power, and guardian of the liberties of Europe? Mr. Wilberforce concluded by obferving, that this was not one of thofe queftions on which gentlemen might fuffer their perfonal predilections either for or against a minifter, to operate in determining their vote; it was by far too important a one for motives like these to be attended to. They fhould have no weight with him; it was his firm conviction, that in fupporting the measure he was giving an unbiaffed fupport to a propofition which was for the good and happiness of the country, and it gave him particular pleasure to be able to fay, that whilft he was acting in conformity with the dictates of his own conscience, he was voting agreeable to the general wishes of his conftituents.

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Mr. Flood denied having contradicted himself, and re-flated Mr. Flood. what his argument had been, in the particulars pounted out, as contradictory. With regard to the manufacturers' opinions, he had faid, the evidence they had given on the Irish propofitions was fuch, as made it perfectly fair for him to take advantage of it, and to affume upon that warrantry, that the manufacturers did not approve of the treaty.-The honourable gentleman afferted, that the manufacturers did approve of it. What is that, faid Mr. Flood, but the honourable gentleman's affertion? and it contradicts mine. The honourable gentleman therefore has contradicted me, but does it follow that I have contradicted myfelf? The honourable gentleman had complained of his holding a dialogue when there was neither of the parties prefent to answer him. He begged to know whofe fault that was? He wanted to have the manufacturers at the bar to hear them deliver their opinions, and the honourable gentlemen would not let them come. his part, he should have been peculiarly happy to have seen the gentlemen, because he had often known an eloquent member of Parliament, in a fine fpeech, fay that for a manufacturer, which he would not when prefent fay for himself. With regard to the right honourable gentleman who had made the treaty, he had not fent him to Paris, and had much rather have seen him there, as he knew of nothing so formidable about his abilities, as to make him at all afraid of copeing with him. Mr. Flood paid Mr. Wilberforce fome compliments, but begged that he would not be too prone to charge him with contradicting himself, and with errors and mistakes; and more especially when he put his country in contact with the charge which he thought proper to urge against him. The honourable gentleman (faid Mr. Flood in his conclufion) talks as if this treaty was to make man more moral, more religious, and more exemplary. Are we then to expect a cargo

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Mr. Fox.

of miffionaries from the continent? But if it will increase the morality of the people, the religion of the country, the ho nefty of our tradefinen, he fhould indeed fay it was the bef treaty that ever was negociated.

Mr. Fox remarked that he felt the neceffity of rifing to vin dicate himfelf from the infinuations which the honourable gentleman oppofite to him (Mr. Wilberforce) had been pleaf ed to throw out against him perfonally. With regard to what he had stated concerning the peace with America, he would give him the fame anfwer on that fubject which he had always done; and this would be a flat denial. With respect to the negociation with the Dutch, if there was any blame to be affixed to that measure, he was willing to take his fhare of it, though it had been done with the unanimous confent of his Majefty's Council. That it failed he did not pretend to deny, and its failure (he verily believed) was owing to the influence of France. On that fubject, however, he would Tay no more, as he could not fee the local connection be tween it and the French treaty, though the honourable gentleman seemed to confider it as a ftrong argument in his favour. That honourable gentleman had stated, in the meeknefs of his nature, that he dreamt not of power, nor did he wish to tread the paths of ambition; but immediately afterwards, he has a vifion, which tells him that the navy of Great Britain must be kept up; and then he draws a very affecting picture of the diftreffes of poor cottagers groaning under the accumulated weight of taxes. This was, no doubt, a very ingenious mode of captivating the vulgar; but he would ask the honourable gentleman how the navy was to be fupported without taxing the fubject? or how would the vifions of the honourable gentleman be realized without a great expence to the nation? But the honourable gentleman has the admirable talent of making attacks under the fhield of modefty. Was this country then not in a fituation to take a part in preferving the liberties of Europe? Was the fo funk in diftiefs as to confider herself inadequate to the prefervation of that to which fhe owed her exiftence, and her rank among the nations of Europe? Did the honourable gentleman mean to hold that language to the world? For his own part, he would tell the pooreft cottager in the kingdom, that he had an intereft in the fafety of the state, and confequently in the balance of the power of Europe. The exiftence of Britain depended on fupporting that balance, for without that fhe could not profper herfelf; and to the prefervation of the public credit, the happiness of the people muft in fome measure be facrificed. Shameful was the neglect which minifters had fhewn in the formation of alliances. Till that unhappy period when we were left without ally, we had always fought fuccefsfully.

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