Galgacus, or whether he meant the North or the South Esk. To us it appears, that, biassed by the opinion generally adopted by antiquaries, he has expressed himself ambiguously, yet meant to say, the Roman general retreated across the South Esk. From Kethick to Brechin, a march of 3 miles would effect such retreat; and, had this been the case, we might expect to find vestiges of a camp opposite to that town, or to the southward, upon Lunan water, or in the tract of land lying between Montrose and Arbroath; but no traces of the Romans have been discovered in that quarter. We are pleased to find the learned Doctor of opinion, that this was the country of the Horestii; but there is no reason to suppose the region inhabited by that people did not comprehend the whole of Angus, and, extending to the North Esk, of course included the camp at Kethick, and the supposed battle-field. Our objections to Dr Playfair's hypothesis are,-that the camp at Kethick would hold only 12,000 men, upon the Polybian system, or a division only of the army of Agricola, consisting of 26,000; that the traces of an engagement in the vicinity do not indicate a great battle; that the hilly ridge, on the eminences of which the Cater Thuns are placed, and on which the Caledonians are supposed to have been encamped, is a bad military position, in respect it is easily turned. If these fortresses existed in the age of Agricola, as the learned author seems to suppose, though each could have held but a maniple of the army of Galgacus, they have been so strong, that to take them by storm, would probably have baffled the Roman general; but Tacitus makes no allusion to the Caledonian position being strengthened by forts, or of these having engaged the

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attention of the Romans in this affair. Agricola was in no condition to lay siege to them, his army being equipped expeditus, wanting munition, or in modern phrase, without the materiel. Our last objection to the hypothesis of Principal Playfair is, that after the victory, the Roman commander advanced, marching his army into Horestia, or Angus, as already shewn.

Here, too, it seems proper to revert to the opinion of General Roy. He inclines to think this celebrated battle-field should be looked for "near Fettercairn, Monboddo, or perhaps to the eastward of these places, and nearer to Stonehaven." He knew of the camp at Rae Dykes, 2 miles north-west of Urie, and that there were traces of fighting near it; yet he does not give it as his opinion, that Agricola occupied this camp, or that the vicinage of Urie was the scene of action. From his modestly saying where he thought it might be looked for, it is evident, he was satisfied that the true place had not then been discovered. A Roman camp has since been found not far from Monboddo; but no marks of battle are to be seen in the neighbourhood. The General did not know of the camp at Meiklour, nor of the numerous vestiges of slaughter in the vicinity of Blairgowrie, with the tradition of a great battle being fought in the Stormont: he was convinced that Angus was the country of the Horestii: it is our impression that he was misled by preceding antiquaries, in supposing, that, after the battle, Agricola retreated into that country, and naturally concluded, that it had been fought to the northward, and, probably, somewhere in the Mearns. We have endeavoured to shew (page 78,) that the expression of Tacitus implies no retrograde movement; and, that it was not to be supposed

Agricola would immediately commence a retreat, upon gaining a decisive victory.

The Roman post at the Clattering Brig, 3 miles to the northward of Fettercairn, we have already noticed, in following the 9th Iter of Richard.

The camp to which we alluded as being not far from Monboddo, is situated three quarters of a mile southwest of that mansion, and close to Fordoun House; being about a mile to the southward of Fordoun Kirk, and the village of Auchenblae. It is distant from War Dykes 11 English miles, in a north-east direction, and in the same line of march with Battle Dykes, Caerdean, &c. The intrenchments were nearly entire about the middle of the last century, but are now, for the most part, ploughed down. Parts, however, of two sides still remain; these traces run at right angles to one another, and seem to have composed the north and west sides of the camp. On the east side, there are several springs, and, it is said, Luther Water formerly ran through the west side. So much of the rampart has been levelled, that its dimensions cannot be ascertained; yet it appears to have been a large temporary camp, capable of holding an army of about 26,000 men, and might have been occupied by Agricola. But there are no appearances to warrant the conclusion, that here he encountered Galgacus; there is no tradition of a great battle being fought in this part of the country; and the names of places in the vicinity have no relation to strife. Immediately to the eastward of Fordoun House, there is a very entire Roman fort, which is commonly supposed to have been the prætorium of the large camp to the westward; but the prætorium, or general's tent, was never placed without the camp; and this is evidently

a stative post, of an oblong rectangular form, 250 feet long, by 116 wide. The rampart is very strong; the fosse is 18 feet wide, and is still 6 feet deep. This stative post is similar to that at Clattering Brig, and we incline to think them both the works of Urbicus. Tacitus says, Agricola took hostages from the Horestii, but makes no mention of forts being constructed, or of garrisons being left, in their country, which is generally understood to have been bounded by the North Esk. About half a mile north from this post, upon Drumsleid Hill, there are the remains of a large British strength, called, by the country people, the Scotch camp.

Fordoun, or Fordun, was the birthplace of the father of Scottish history, John of Fordun, of whom afterward; and we shall also briefly notice Palladius, who was sent by Pope Celestine into Scotland, in the fifth century, to oppose the Pelagian heresy, and who is supposed to have had his residence at Fordoun, where he probably died.

We know of no other Roman works in that part of the Mearns which is included in the Map of the Basin of the Tay; but, in the parish of Fetteresso, there is a Roman camp, called Rae Dykes, and sometimes the Camp at Urie. It is situated 10 English miles to the north-east of the camp at Fordoun, and in the same line of march from Meiklour as the camps already described. There has been fighting near this camp at Urie, but the memorials are not sufficient to warrant the conclusion, that an action of importance happened here; tradition is silent; and the names of places in the neighbourhood have no reference to slaughter. This camp was discovered by Maitland, about the middle of the last century; and in his History of Scot

land, he pointed it out as the appropriate site of the battle of Mons Grampius. Almost every Roman camp north of the Forth, as soon as it has been discovered, was supposed to tally with the account of Tacitus in every particular, and the fond antiquary seldom wants abetters; Tacitus has even been supposed to mistake the Grampians for the Ochils, and the Lomonds in Fife have been supposed to be Mons Grampius. "Maitland," says Chalmers," in his loose conjectures, was copied by Lord Buchan; and Roy followed both, who, in giving an account of the campaigns of Agricola, is always supposing what cannot be allowed, and what he cannot prove."— Caled. vol. i. p.113. General Roy does not follow Maitland, as above shewn, and this is careless writing on the part of Chalmers, whose petulance, in correcting a mistake the General made regarding a distance in the 9th Iter of Richard, we formerly noticed. The General writes with all the modesty of genius, upon a subject he well understood; but, on the contrary, Chalmers speaks with confidence upon military affairs, of which he appears to have known very little. He has done much, however, to illustrate the topography and the ancient history of Scotland; and therefore we shall notice an error into which he has fallen, in his account of the Roman transactions in North Britain. He endeavours to shew for what peculiar purpose each camp was pitched, and though he mentions temporary and permanent camps, he makes no distinction as to the different objects for which they were constructed. According to his notion, the policy, as he terms it, of pitching every camp, was either to hold a district in subjection, to command a ford, to guard a pass, or protect a country, and these he particularly points out.