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Court satire predominates when the mule meets them, telling them that to succeed at court, they must present

a good bold face

And with big words, and with a stately pace,

That men may thinke of you, in generall,
That to be in you, which is not at all:


As thistle-downe in th'ayre doth flie

So vainly shalt thou too and fro be tost.

The passage on the despairing court suitor is perhaps the best:

So pitifull a thing is suters state.

Most miserable man, whom wicked fate
Hath brought to court, to sue for had ywist
That few have found, and manie one hath mist!
Full little knowest thou that hast not tride
What hell it is, in suing long to bide:

To loose good dayes, that might be better spent;
To wast long nights in pensive discontent;

To speed to day, to be put back to morrow

To feed on hope, to pine with feare and sorrow,

and so on.61

The same tone is echoed in some passages of the Faerie Queene, and in some of the other Minor Poems. Satiric passages occur not only on court and church but also on other aspects of life.62 On the whole, this type of realism plays a very important part in Spenser's works.

In this study of these six types of realism there are several

of court satire runs of course through the clerical but predominates in such passages as 11. 612-616, 618-653, 695 ff., 801 ff. The satiric touches run in fact throughout this section.

61 M. H. T., 11. 645 ff., 634 f., 891 ff.

Others are 11. 900-915.

62 There are somewhat similar passages in the S. C., Sept. Ec., 11. 79-95. Others on the church-on shepherds who do not watch their flocks. There is a more personal note in a couple of verses from the Prothalamion, 11. 5-10, on court disappointments. In the F. Q., the following satiric passages occur:-on gossip and slander in court and church, 11, 3, 40; vi, 8, 26; VI, 9, 3, 24-25; vi, 12, 23-24; on the "rascal many" I, 12, 9-11; IV, 3, 41; v, 2, 33; v, 11, 47; on ambition, п, 7, 47; on cowards, II, 3, 19, 20. Also personal touches on the slanderers of his poetry:-1, 4, 32; vi, 12, 40, 41.


factors which stand out. In the first place it is noticeable that with the exception of the Shepheardes Calender, Colin Clouts Come Home Againe, and Mother Hubberds Tale, and a few touches in the Prothalamion, practically no realism appears in the Minor poems. The great majority of those poems containing practically no realism are written before 1580; but since the Shepheardes Calender and Mother Hubberds Tale, two of the most realistic, were also written before this time, the dating alone would not account for the fact. The explanation is probably rather the difference in the subject matter, and the probability that in his work of the idealised type before he became familiar with the wild life of Ireland, his attention was turned not toward realism, but away from it. The reverse is the case with the Faerie Queene. The entirely different subject matter of the Shepheardes Calender and Mother Hubberds Tale demands certain touches of realism in order to supply the conviction necessary to that type of poetry.

Another tendency which forces itself on the attention is that in types I, II and IV more than half the references are metaphors or similes-chiefly similes. In these types, of some 155 references which I have been able to find in the Faerie Queene about 100 are similes or metaphors. This fact suggests that as the subject matter becomes more or less idealised, the tendency toward the introduction of realism becomes stronger to vivify what would otherwise tend to be intangible and above comprehension or merely conventional and dead.

Yet another tendency is the comparatively steady increase in realism in the Faerie Queene. In the first Book I have been able to find nineteen realistic passages, in the second, twenty-two, in

03 The Amoretti, Dodge feels (see Introd. to his Ed. of Spenser) contain the picture of a real girl and the history of a genuine courtship. "We are constantly in sight of fact," he says, "however trivial." I have not been perfectly satisfied with Dodge's arguments, for, though there may be a biographical element in the sonnets, yet the treatment is fundamentally imaginative rather than realistic. Dodge points out as a realistic passage: One day I wrote her name upon the strand,


But came the waves and washed it away. St. LXXV.

Again, Her too constant stiffness doth constrayne" is an element of "her" reality for Dodge. Such passages seem to me rather conventional on the whole.

the third fourteen. In the second part of the Faerie Queene the tendency is more marked. In the fourth Book some forty-one (including the Irish river references), occur, in the fifth, twentysix, and in the sixth, thirty-four may be found. If the fact is borne in mind that the books also tend to grow shorter, the increase in realism will be yet more noticeable; it does in fact almost double itself in the second part of the Faerie Queene.**

Many different reasons may be assigned for this increase in realism, perhaps the chief reason is Spenser's growing familiarity with nature and rustic life in Ireland. That the ugly and revolting passages are less frequent in the later books of the Faerie Queene, may arise from the same cause.

New Haven, Conn.

64 In the first three Books 55 references, and in the last three 101 references are found.



Among the notoriously "dangerous" books of the Renaissance, perhaps the most notorious, most sought after, and most difficult to procure in the seventeenth century, was Jean Bodin's Latin dialogue, Colloquium Heptaplomeres. It is a free-spoken discussion of religion by seven men representing as many sects or points of view: Catholicism, Zwinglian Protestantism, Lutheranism, Mahommedanism, Judaism, natural religion, and a rather free and destructive rationalism. There are no conversions and no conclusions established at the end of the discussion, but the tendency of the whole is of course sceptical. The book was apparently written in 1593.2 It is the most extensive account extant of those "atheistic" ideas which circulated widely by secret and underground channels in Renaissance society, and which, when discovered, put their adherents in danger of a burning death for heresy.

Though the existence and dangerous nature of Bodin's dialogue was generally known in the seventeenth century, its actual circulation in manuscript was very limited until nearly the end of the century. Its possession was kept a profound secret except among the most trusted friends. Queen Christine of Sweden was most eager to have a copy. Her representatives in France sought for it in vain for several years. When she finally procured the loan of a copy in 1654, through the assistance of Isaac Vossius, she seemed disinclined to part with it, and only with great difficulty was the precious manuscript at last rescued and returned to its owner in 1661. The pursuit of the Heptaplomeres at that time was something of a high adventure in book-collecting.

Yet at about this time Milton had a copy of it and sent it to some friend in Germany, who first ingenuously admitted his secret

It was first printed, in part, by Guhrauer, Das Heptaplomeres des Jean Bodin, Berlin, 1841, and in full by Noack, Colloquium Heptaplomeres, Schwerin, 1857. Chauviré has printed selections from an early French version under the title Colloque de Jean Bodin, Paris, 1914.

2 Chauviré, p. 4.

Chauviré, pp. 5-6.

and then repented of his indiscretion. The meagre evidence in the case is found in some passages in the correspondence of Christian von Boineburg, a diplomat in the service of the elector of Mainz, and his friend Hermann Conring, a distinguished professor in the University of Helmstadt. As this correspondence is difficult of access, at least in this country, I am republishing those passages of interest to students of Milton."

At the request of Conring, who desired a copy for the private library of his patron, the Duke of Wolfenbüttel, Boineburg had already been searching for Bodin's work before he heard of Milton's copy.



Moguntiae d. 6. Aug. 1662. Bodiniana Arcana nancisci nequeo, vt pro Serenissimo Augusto exscribantur. Doleo hoc nomine plurimum. Optarim, legisses saltem. Baeclerus nuper Swalbaci ea inspiciendi magna quoque spe excidit, nescio qua possessoris superstitione, vel inuidia. Misit huic ex Anglia Miltonius, nasuti Salmasii coecus ille hodieque Londini indulgentia optimi Regis superstes antagonista. Proxime plura. (pp. 882-3.)


Helmstad. d. 21. Aug. 1662. Arcana Bodiniana non equidem desidero, nisi in complementum bibliothecae Augustae. (p. 899.)

Helmstad. d. 5/15 Sept. 1662.

Bodinianorum arcanorum impetrandorum spe nos excidere, doleo. Si scirem, quis eorum sit possessor, forte apud illum auctoritas Augusti Principis mei aliquid efficeret. (p. 905.)


Moguntiae d. 16. October. 1662. De Bodinianis Arcanis adhuc vigilo. Sed possessorem eorum non possum eo persuadere, vt ea communicet ad describendum. Eius quoque nomen


Gruber, Io. Daniel, Commercium Epistolicum Leibnitianum, Hanover, 1745. The allusion to Milton was first noted by Guhrauer, p. lxxvii, and after him by Chauviré, p. 7.

The copy in the library of the Catholic University of America, which was kindly loaned me, is, I believe, the only one in America.

J. H. Boecler, professor of History at Strassburg, was councillor to the electorate of Mainz and to the Empire. See Jöcher, Christian Gottlieb, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, Leipzig, 1750, 1, p. 1166.

'Evidently the watering-place not far from Mainz. Boineburg had written to Conring from Schwalbach on the preceding 24th of July.

My passages are in every case excerpts from longer letters, but they can invariably be separated from the context without violence.

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