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Secretary, at the Fabian Office, 3 Clement's Inn, London, W.O. FABIANISM AND THE EMPIRE: A Manifesto. 4d. post troe. FABIAN ESSAYS IN SOCIALISM. (35th Thousand.) Paper cover, 1/-; plain oloth, 2/-, post free from the Seoretary.

FABIAN TRACTS and LEAFLETS. Tracts, each 16 to 52 pp., price ld., or 9d. per dos., unless otherwise stated.

Leaflets, 4 pp. each, price ld. for six copres, 1s. per 100, or 8/6 per 1000. The Set of 88, 38.; post free 3/5.. Bound in Buckram, 4/6; post free for 58 1.-General Socialism in its various aspects.

TRACT8.—121. Public Service versus Private Expenditure. By Sir OLIVER LODGE. 113. Communism. By WM. MORRIS. 107. Socialism for Million. aires. By BERNARD SHAW. 79. A Word of Remembrance and Cautior to the Rich. By JOHN WOOLMAN. 78. Socialism and the Teaching o' Christ. By Dr. JOHN CLIFFORD. 87. The same in Welsh. 42. Christian Socialism.

By Rev. 8. D. HEADLAM. 75. Labor in the Longest Reigo By SIDNEY WEBB. 72. The Moral Aspects of Socialism. By SIDNEY BALL. 69. Difficulties of Individualism. By SIDNEY WEBB. 51. Socialism: True and False. By S. WEBB. 45. The Impossibilities of Anarchism. By BERNARD SHAW (price 2d.). 15. English Progress towards Social Demo. cracy. By S. WEBB. 7. Capital and Land (6th edn. revised 1904). 5. Facts for Socialists (9th edn., revised 1904). LEAFLETS—13. What Socialism Is.

1. Why are the Many Poor? 38. The same in Welsh. 11.-Applications of Socialism to Particular Problems.

TRACTS.—126. The Abolition of Poor Law Guardians. 122. Municipal Milk and Public Health. By Dr. F. LAWSON DODD. 120.“ After Bread, Education." 125. Municipalization by Provinces. 119. Public Control of Electrical Power and Transit. 123. The Revival of Agriculture. 118. The Secret of Rural Depopulation. 115. State Aid to Agriculture : an Example. 112. Life in the Laundry. 110. Problems of Indian Poverty. 98. State Railways for Ireland. 124. State Control of Trusts. 86. Municipal Drink Traffic. 85. Liquor Licensing at Home and Abroad. 84. Economics of Direct Employment. 83. State Arbitration and the Living Wage. 73. Case for State Pensions in Old Age. 67. Women and the Factory Acts. 50. Sweating: its Cause and Remedy. 48. Eight Hours by Law. 23. Case for an Eight Hours Bill. 47. The Unemployed. By JOHN BURNS, M.P. LEAFLETS.-89. Old Age Pensions at Work. 19. What

the Farm Laborer Wants. 104. How Trade Unions benefit Workmen. III.-Local Government Powers : How to use them.

TRACTS.—117. The London Education Act, 1903 : how to make the best of it. 114. The Education Act, 1902. 111. Reform of Reformatories and Industrial Schools. By H. T. HOLMES. 109. Cottage Plans and Common Sense. By RAYMOND UNWIN. 103. Overcrowding in London and its Remedy. By W. C. STEADMAN, L.O.C. 101. The House Famine and How to Relieve it. 52 pp. 76. Houses for the People. 100. Metropolitan Borough Councils. 99. Local Government in Ireland. 82. Workmen's Compensation Act. 62. Parisb and District Councils. 61. The London County Council. 54. The Humanizing of the Poor Law. By J. F. OAKESHOTT. LEAFLETS.-68. The Tenant's Sanitary Catechism. 71. Same for London. 63. Parish Council Cottages and how to get them. 58. Allotments and how to get them. FABIAN MUNICIPAL PROGRAM, FIRST SERIES (Nos. 32, 36, 37). Municipalization of the Gas Supply. The Scandal of London's Markets. A Labor Policy for Public Authorities. SECOND SERIES (Nos. 90 to 97). Municipalization of Milk Supply. Municipal Pawnshops. Municipal Slaughterhouses. Women as Councillors. Municipal Bakeries. Muni. cipal Hospitals. Municipal Fire Insurance. Municipal Steamboats.

Second Series in a rod cover for 18. (9d. per doz.); separate leaflets, 1/- per 100. IV.-Books. 29. What to Read on social and economic subjects. 6d. net. V.-General Politics and Fabian Policy.

127. Socialism and Labor Policy. 116. Fabianism and the Fiscal Question: an alternative policy. 108. Twentieth Century Politics. By SIDNEY WEBB. 70. Report on Fabian Policy. 41. The Fabian Society:

its Early History. By BERNARD SHAW. VI.- Question Leaflets. Questions for Candidates : 20, Poor Law Guard

ians. 24, Parliament. 28, County Councils, Rural. 56, Parish Councils. 57,

Rural Distriot Councils. 102, Motropolitan Borough Counoils. Book Boxes lent to Societies, Clubs, Trade Unions, for 68. a year, or 2/6 a quarter Printed by G. Standring, 7 Finsbury St., London, E.C., and published by the rabian Society,

8 Clement's Ina, Strand, London w.d.

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"No one can contemplate the present condition of the masses of the people without desiring something like a revolution for the better” (Sir R. GIFFEN, " Essays in Finance," vol. ii., p. 393).

TENTH Edition (REVISED).

111th THOUSAND,

PRICE ONE PENNY.

LONDON :
THE FABIAN SOCIETY, 3 CLEMENT'S INN, STRAND, W.C.

JUNE 1906.

FACTS

FOR SOCIALISTS

FROM THE

POLITICAL ECONOMISTS AND STATISTICIANS.

1.-The Nation's Income.

The annual income of the United Kingdom has been estimated by
the following authorities :-
Sir Louis Mallet, K.C.S.I. (India Office), +

1883-4, National Income and Taxation
(Cobden Club), p. 23

1,289,000,000
Professor Leone Levi (King's College,

London), Times, January 13th, 1885... 1,274,000,000
Professor A. Marshall (Cambridge Univer-

sity), Report of Industrial Remunera-
tion Conference, p. 194 (January, 1885),
upwards of

1,125,000,000
Mr. Mulhall (1892), Dictionary of Statistics,
p. 320, Income for 1889

1,285,000,000
Sir R. Giffen, The Wealth of the Empire,

Journal of Royal Statistical Society,
vol. Ixvi., part iii. 1903

1,750,000,000
Mr. A. L. Bowley, M.A. (Appointed Teacher

of Statistics, University of London),
Economic Journal, September, 1904 ;
Income for 1903

1,800,000,000
Mr. L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P., Riches
and Poverty ; Income for 1904

1,710,000,000 The gross assessments to income tax have risen (1881-2 to 1901-2) by £265,542,486 (Inland Revenue Report, 1897-8, C.-4,474 and Cd. — 1,717). Allowing for a corresponding rise in the incomes not assessed and in the wages of manual labor, we may estimate the income for 1901-2 at not less than £1,800,000,000. The population in 1901 being nearly 41,500,000 (Cd.-1,727), the average annual income is about £ +34 per head, or £ 174 per adult man.*

In 1840 it was about £ 207, and in 1860 £ 26} per head (Mr. Mulhall, Dict. of Statistics, p. 245);

These figures (which are mainly computed from income-tax returns and estimated average rates of wages) mean that the price in money of the commodities and services produced in the country

* It has been assumed throughout that one person in every four is an adult male, and that there are, on an average, five per:ons to each family group.

during the whole course of a year was about £ 174 per adult man.* Most of these commodities and services were used up within that period in maintaining the 41,500,000 inhabitants, and Sir R. Giffen estimates that about £ 200,000,000 is "saved" annually (Essays in Finance, vol. ii., p. 407). The bulk of this "saving " consists of new houses and of new railways, steamers, machinery, and other aids to future labor.

For subsequent comparison the total is represented by the annexed figure :

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II.-Who Produces It. The desirable commodities and useful services measured by this vast sum are produced solely by the efforts and sacrifices" (Cairnes), whether of muscle or of brain, of the working portion of the community, employed upon the gifts of Nature. Adam Smith "showed that labor is the only source of wealth,

: . It is to labor, therefore, and to labor only, that man owes everything possessed of exchangeable value” (McCulloch's Principles of Political Economy, part ii., sec. 1).

"No wealth whatever can be produced without labor" (Professor Henry Fawcett (Cambridge), Manual of Political Economy, p. 13).

“That useful function, therefore, which some profound writers fancy they discover in the abundant expenditure of the idle rich turns out to be a sheer illusion. Political economy furnishes no such palliation of unmitigated selfishness. Not that I would breathe a word against the sacredness of contracts. But I think it is important, on moral no less than on economic grounds, to insist upon this, that no public benefit of any kind arises from the existence of an idle rich class. The wealth accumulated by their ancestors and others on their behalf, where it is employed as capital, no doubt helps to sustain industry; but what they consume in luxury and idleness is not capital, and helps to sustain nothing but their unprofitable lives. By all means they must have their rents and interest, as it is written in the bond; but let them take their

* It may be observed that the estimated amount of money” or currency in the country is about £130,000,000, or under 64 per head, including bank notes. Gold coin and bullion, between 680,000,000 and $100,000,000; silver and bronze, $15,000,000 ; bank notes, beyond gold reserves, 124,000,000 (W. S. Jevons, Investigations in Currency and Finance, p. 272 ; Report of Deputy-Master of the Mint, 1889; Mr. Goschen's Speech on Second Reading of the Coinage Act, 1891).

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proper place as drones in the hive, gorging at a feast to which they have contributed nothing.” (Some Leading Principles of Political Economy, p. 32, by the late John Elliott Cairnes, M.A., Emeritus Professor of Political Economy at University College, London ; 1874).

III.-Who the Workers Are. Those who profess to be taking part in the work of the community were divided, at the census of 1901, into the following classes :

Males.

Females. Total. Industrial

8,884,116 2,594,684 11,478,800 Agricultural

2,038,096 183,881 2,241,977 Commercial

845,127 89,106 934,233 Domestic

357,037 2,058,528 2,415,565 Professional

817,731 387,050 1,204,781

12,962,107 5,313,249 18,275,356 Unoccupied, under 20... 6,476,645 7,202,149 13,678,794 Unoccupied, over 20 ... 663,656 8,840,915* 9,504,571

20, 102,408 21,356,313 41,458,721 (Compiled from Reports of the 1901 Census for England and Wales, Scotland

and Ireland. Among the professed workers there are, of course, many whose occupation is merely nominal. The number is swelled by the

sleeping " partners, the briefless barristers, the invalids, and the paupers, prisoners, and sinecurists of every description. Many thousands more have occupations useless or hurtful to the community; and others, as for example many domestic servants, labor honestly, but for the personal comfort of the idlers, and they might, therefore, as far as production is concerned, as well be themselves idle.

Nevertheless, there were, in 1901, 663,656 adult men (one in twenty) who did not even profess to have the shadow of an occupation. Most of these form the main body of the idle rich, "the great social evil of . . . . a non-laboring class” (J. S. Mill, Political Economy, Popular Edition, p. 455).

It is clear that the labor of the workers is much increased by the presence among them of so large a proportion of persons who take no useful part in the business of life. The possible reduction of the daily hours of work has, however, been much exaggerated. Thus Mr. William Hoyle, writing in 1871, committed himself to the assertion that, assuming every person did his share, a total of it hours' daily labor would suffice to supply us in abundance with all the comforts of life" (Our National Resources, p. 56). It appears from the context that his calculation refers to a community composed exclusively of actual workers in the production of material necessaries, whereas in ordinary human societies about half the population is under the age of twenty, and more than half the adults are women mostly occupied in domestic duties. The it hours daily have, therefore, at once to be multiplied fourfold, and account

* Most of these are married women engaged in domestic work, although not so described.

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