money at interest to carry on the plot; which I disown; for I never was at any charge therein more than common expences, nor never heard of any money raised upon that account; though I heard of 10,000l. that were to be raised for the Scots, but suppose it was not done. I bless God I am pretty well satisfied, and hope shall be fully, as to my future state, and can willingly leave the world; but upon the account of my friends and creditors, considering the condition they will be left in, could gladly have lived some time, that I might have taken off that scandal that I fear will be laid upon me when I am gone; but God knows my heart, I am free, and always was from any thoughts of fraud or deceit. wholly depended upon his mercy; besides, I In the Year 1684 were published, in a folio Pamphlet,* "The free and voluntary "CONFESSION and NARRATIVE of "JAMES HOLLOWAY. (Addressed to "his Majesty). Written with his own "Hand, and delivered by himself to Mr. "Secretary Jenkins; as also the Pro"ceedings against the said James Hol"loway in his Majesty's King's-Bench "Court, Westminster; and his Petition "to his Majesty. Together with a par"ticular Account of the Discourse as passed "between the Sheriffs of London and the " said James Holloway, at the time of his "Execution for High Treason at Tyburn, "April 30, 1684. With his Prayer im I am satisfied that all means that could be thought on have been used to get as much out of me as possible, but had it not been my resoIntion to declare all that I knew concerning the plot, and also to do what in me lay to prevent all plottings for the future, that there might be an end put to such heats, differences, and heart-burnings, that is, one against another; that his majesty and his subjects might live in such love and union, as ought to be between a prince and his people, I had not wrote what I did; for I was never a man to be wrought upon by severity, and what I wrote was not without due consideration, being no thing but truth. I do suppose, that making such a full and large confession at first, and some expressions that might be observed in my letters which I perceive were intercepted, may cause some thoughts that I still reserve some persons undiscovered; but as to my confession, it was not rashly done, I had had some weeks at sea to call things to mind, and as for persons, I gave a true account, and of all passages I could remember, though others do and may come into mind. What I suppose was observed in my letters, might be some foolish expression concerning some of my acquaintance, and that I would betray no friend, meaning, that no severity should cause me to accuse any friends falsely to save myself, although (if I had thought the accusing of a number of persons would have saved my life, and had been one that would do any such thing to save life) I had the most cause of any man; for when I first absconded, those in Bristol, and elsewhere, that were my most intimate acquaintance, refused to do any thing for me; nay, would not receive letters when I wrote to them, fearing they should be found to hold correspondence with me. When I gave in my confession, I stood not upon terms of a pardon, being confident, if truth would merit mercy from the king, I should have his pardon, and that it was the only way to gain mercy with God. I find it already that people are passing their censures upon me, some one way, and * At the end of the pamphlet is the followsome another, for my not pleading, and acing Imprimatur: "We appoint Robert Horn, cepting of another trial when it was offered," John Baker, and John Redmayn, to print saying, that I confessed the whole indictment; "these papers, and that none other print the which I disown; for I said thus, What I was guilty of I had confessed to his majesty, and VOL. X. mediately before, and the true Copy of "the Paper delivered them at the same "time and place. London: Printed for "Robert Horn, John Barker, and John "Redmayne." This Pamphlet contains all the Matter here printed, together with the following CONFESSION OR NARRATIVE, Great Sir, I your majesty's most humble, but too much misled, and disobedient subject, do here most faithfully, according to the best of my remem same. C PETER DANIEL. brance, give you an account of what I knew concerning the late discovered conspiracy, how I came to be concerned, how far I was coneerned; how it was so have been carried on in Bristol; why I did not come in at the first discovery, and cast myself at your majesty's feet for mercy; how I made my escape, and where I was 'till taken. If I shall through forgetfulness omit any thing that it may be thought I am privy to, I shall be ready and willing truly to answer any question that shall be asked by your majesty, or any your most honourable privy council, no way despairing of your majesty's mercy, but remain in hopes, that that fountain of mercy which hath so abundantly flowed from your sacred breast ever since your happy restoration is not yet dry, and that there is some drops left for me, who doubt not but to serve your majesty both at home and abroad, much more living than my death will. At course, by which I found the same was discoursed throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland, as a means to engage people. length he told me that the protestant gentry, naming the earl of Shaftesbury, lord Howard of Escrick, and others were come to a resolution, seeing fair means would not do, but all things on the protestants' side are misrepresented to the king, by such great crimi. nals, and none more in favour than those, to take the king from his evil council, and that by an insurrection in several parts of England at once, viz. London, Bristol, Taunton, Exeter, Chester, Newcastle, York, and some other places in the north, and that there would be a considerable party ready in Scotland, and another in Ireland, therefore, said he, we must consider how to manage affairs in Bristol, for if they proceed at Michaelmas, in choosing lord-mayor as they did sheriffs, and to swearing of North and Rich, it must begin in OcThat which I have cause to impute the oc- tober or November, otherwise there will be casion of my being concerned, was my too some sham plot contrived to take off most of public spirit, preferring your majesty's and my the stirring men in the last parliaments; with country's interest much before my own, but much other discourse to the same effect; addespecially in attending the two last parliaments, ing, that Mr. Wade would come down very promoting an act, for the encouragement of suddenly, by whom we might expect a full the Linen Manufacture, and the preventing of account of all. About the end of August, as frauds in your majesty's customs, &c. which near as I can remember, Mr. Wade came would have brought in, and saved to your down, who confirmed what Mr. Tyly had majesty near 200,000/. per ann, and employed said, but could say little as to any farther remany thousands of poor, &c. as is well known || solution they were come to above, either of to many worthy persons about your court, and any time or method agreed upon, but that the indeed proved my ruin, otherwise than in this design went on, and inen were employed in all concern by bringing me into too great ac- parts to try how people were inclined, who quaintance for one of my capacity, and by found enough ready, and that there would be that to be concerned as I was. My attendance no want of men, if it was once begun. Then on those two parliaments I doubt have been we considered how it might be managed in misrepresented. Bristol, and what number of men might be needful for the first onset; towards which he said, we might depend on 150 men from Taunton or thereabouts, and concluded that 350 might be sufficient to secure it without the bloodshed of one man, it being our design to shed no blood if possible; but this we resolved not to acquaint any of our friends with it, till the day and method was resolved, of which be said we should have ten or fourteen days notice; and having soon considered of a method, waited in expectation of further advice, but none came till November; then we heard that some disappointment happening they were forced to delay it, though there was more and more cause for it. The end of December or beginning of January had advice that it was deferred to the beginning of March. The third of March I came to London, and meeting with Mr. Wade, asked him how things went, who answered that he could not tell what to make of it, for he could find nothing done, more than was nine months before. The great persons who were the managers, having done nothing but talked of things. But now there was some others appointed to manage it, who were men of business, naming them to me, viz. the earl of Essex, the ford Howard of Escrick, the lord Grey, the lord Russell, col. How far I was concerned. After the dissolution of the two last parliaments, I observed a great dissatisfaction in people, in most parts where I travelled, but heard nothing of any design till July 1682, when one Mr. Joseph Tyly, of Bristol, came from London; I meeting with him, asked what news, he answered to this effect, all bad, and if some speedy course be not taken we shall be all undone, for by their arbitrary, illegal ways, and by force of arms, they have got sheriffs to their minds, witnesses they had before, but wanted jurors to believe them, now they have got sheriffs, naming Mr. North and Mr. Rich, who will find jurors to believe any evidence against a protestant, and so hang up all the king's friends by degrees; I then told him that I thought it was impossible such things could be done, but the king must bear of it; no, said he, there is none suffered to come near the king, but those who have been declared enemies to the king and kingdom by parliament, naming some that were mentioned in the printed votes, who to save themselves do endeavour to keep all such things from the king's knowledge, and persuade him against parliaments, with much more such like dis Sidney, major Wildman, Mr. Hampden the duke, coming from Newmarket, which they younger, and Mr. Charlton, who he did suppose expected would have been that Saturday men would make something of it, and not do as the tioned in his letter, had not the fire happened, others had done, make a year's talk to ensnare which caused them to come sooner; nay, said many thousands of people to no purpose; for he, had we known they would have stayed so these had already sent messengers into Scot-long as they did, their business should have land and Ireland, to know their minds, naming been done: I then asked him what he meant by one Aaron Smith, sent into Scotland, and at the desiring Mr. Wade to get his clients together return of the messengers, would come to a reso- by that day, and what he could propose they lution as to time and inethod, but he was confi should have done, to which he could say little, dent they could not be ready before Midsummer, only that they might be ready. I then told by reason they had done so little in order to it. him, that I thought it a very rash thing, and Mr. Wade was then designed into the west, upon that few in England would approve of it, that I the earl of Stamford's business, and said if he was sure pone about us would, being a most could understand any thing more before he left cowardly, dishonourable action, besides the London, he would take Bristol in his way, and basest sin of murder; then, said he, what is acquaint us with it. This journey he brought designed by the general design but to take them me to col. Rumsey, with whom we had little both off, and if it had been done that way, it discourse, he being going forth with his lady. would have prevented a great deal of bloodshed The sixth of March I left London, and went in the nation; no, said 1, no such thing is directly for Bristol; about the 12th of March designed as I know of, the general design being Mr. Wade came to Bristol, but then could say ouly to get the king off from his evil counsels, no more than as above, the messengers being who had advised him to put a stop to procednot come back from Scotland nor Ireland, and ings against Popish Plotters, by dissolving of was of his former opinion, that if way thing parliaments, &c. and to bring all Popish offenwere done, it could not be before Midsummer, ders to justice, and such who had betrayed the he then expected to be about two months in the liberty of the subject: and this I think was all west, and said that if any thing was agreed the discourse we had at that time, being the upon sooner, one Mr. West, a counsellor, had first of my acquaintance with him: that night I promised to write to him in the name of Logte- went with him to a tavern in Fleet-street, stone, and direct his letter to be left at his bro- where was captain Norton, Richard Goodther's in Bristol, who Wade ordered that if any enough, and one Mr. Aylit, who, to my knowsuch letter came, to open it, and if any thing ledge, I never saw before nor since; whilst I material in it, to send it by a messenger to him was with them there was no discourse of any into the west. About the 17th of March came business, but I soon left them together. The a letter for him from West, in the name of next day Mr. Roe of Bristol, brought me to Inglestone, which his brother opened, and not Mr. Ferguson, at the house of one Mr. Bourne understanding the stile, brought it to me, but I a brewer, but was not admitted to see him himknew not the meaning thereof. The contents self. Ferguson then went by the name of Rowas to desire Mr. Wade to get his clients to-berts, who when I had told my name and from gether the next Saturday come fortnight, for that was the day appointed to seal the writings, and neither of us understanding it, his brother sent it by a messenger after him, who found him at Taunton, and his answer by the messenger was, that he knew not the meaning of it, but should be within ten miles of Bristol the next Saturday, desiring that if any other letter came, to send it to him. About three days after came another letter as above, desiring him not to call his clients together, for the time of sealing That day I had some discourse with colonel was put off, which letter was also sent to him, Rumsey at his house, who I found was privy but he understood it not, saying, it was some to the Newmarket business, and his opinion rash business or other, and so went back again. was, that the Newmarket design would come The fifth of April I came to London, and to nothing, for he did not approve of the mathat evening went to Mr. West's chamber in nagers actings, and said there was nothing like the Temple, where I found him, who then the other design, for that would put an end to did not know me, but when I told him my all in a little time, then I to d him, that none in name, from whence I came, and mentioned our parts would be for it; which I think was the two letters Mr. Wade received from him, all the discourse we then bad; only he prohe began to be somewhat free in discourse with mised, that if any thing was agreed before Mr. me. I then told him that Mr. Wade and his Wade caine up I should hear of' it, so I took friends were surprised at the letters, not know-leave and went for Bristol the next morning. ing what he meant by them, and did desire to know, concerning which he seemed a little shy, but after little discourse, began to tell me, saying, there was a design to take off the king and | whence I came, was pretty free in discourse with me, and told me the design went on very well, that there were some Scottish gentlemen come up, who were treating with the managers, and did hope they would agree in a tew days, and come to a resolution both as to time and method, of which we should have timely notice, but by all his discourse at that time, I could not perceive that he knew any thing of the Newmarket design. About ten days after, hearing nothing from them (Ferguson baving told me that he thought all would be agreed in four or five days, and pro mised to advise) I wrote to Mr. West, desiring to know how they went on, who wrote me, that they still met with delays, and were come to no conclusion; after that, I heard no more until May. About the beginning of May I came up to London again, in company with Mr. Wade and some other Bristol men, but when we came up, my business being in the city, and theirs about the Temple, we parted; after two or three days, I met with Mr. Wade, and asked how he found things, who told me, he doubted all would prove a Sham, for he thought there | was nothing intended, finding nothing materially done in order to what had been so long discoursed. Then we went to Mr. West, and discoursed him fully about the contents of his letters, who told us, they were resolved to kill the king and duke as they came from Newmarket, in order to which, he had provided arms for fifty men, pistols, carbines and blunderbusses, and that they were promised the house of one Rumbald a maltster, which lay in the road, and the king must come by his door, there the men should have been lodged. Then we asked who was to have acted it, to -which he could give but a slender answer, and could or would name but two men, who were Rumbald and his brother, saying, if they could have raised six or eight hundred pounds to have bought horses, and something to encourage men, they should have had men enough; so that we found they had few men, if more than two, and no horses, only a parcel of arins; which afterwards he shewed us at a gunsmith's house, in a little lane near Temple-Bar. Then we asked him what they designed if it had taken effect, to which he answered, that the men should have come up with all speed to London and dispersed themselves immediately, declaring for the duke of Monmouth, and that the king and duke being dead, no opposition could be inade; then we asked who were for this design, he named col. Rumsey and Richard Goodenough, and, as far as I can remember, no more; so we found it was carried on by them contrary to the knowledge, or approbation of those who managed the general design: then we declared our great dislike of it, telling him, it was a base, dishonourable and cowardly action, and would seem odious to all the world, that any pretending themselves Protestants, should be concerned in such a bloody action, and that we thought it was his cowardice put him upon it, to which he said, that he could not fight, but would be as forward with his money as any one of his capacity. Then we went to col. Rumsey, who we found to be wholly of West's opinion, saying, that except something be done that way, I know nothing will be done at all, for he knew the other managers would do nothing; so we had little discourse at that time. After this we went to Ferguson, who told us how things stood; we then found that he knew of both designs, but was only for the insurrection, and told us, that the managers had been treating with some Scotch gentlemen; that they were almost Agreed, and that the money they were to be supplied with, would be ready in three or four days, being ten thousand pounds, which was to be returned to Holland to buy arms, &c. for Scotland. He after told us that the Scotch gentlemen had made another proposal to the managers, thus, if they would supply them with thirty thousand pounds, they would begin it in Scotland first, which they could soon have, and then would invade England, desiring the managers only to get a party in the North of England, ready to oppose any force from coming out of England against them, before they had settled Scotland: but this was not approved of, the managers chusing rather to supply them with 10,000l. and to begin it in England the same time. Then we daily expected to hear when the money would be paid, but still found nothing but delays, the managers not agreeing how to raise the money, and that if the money had been ready, they were come to no conclusion, as to any method more than they were nine months before, having done nothing but talked to ensnare people, reporting about in all parts, how the liberties of the people were daily more and more infringed, and that arbitrary government and popery was coming in apace, which incensed people very much, and made such a grumbling in all parts that we feared longer delays would make the common people in many parts mutiny, it being as we thought so generally known, except something was suddenly done, it was impossible it should remain undiscovered, so the next time we met with Rumsey and Ferguson (though never together) we declared our dissatisfaction by reason of such long delays, and spoke it so that it might come to the managers ears, as we suppose it did, being to this effect, That we thought they had only a design to betray people, drawing many thousands into a snare, for their actions shewed little otherwise, being so long discoursing a thing of that nature and done so little towards it: few days after meeting with Rumsey again, he told us they were of different opinions concerning a method, some for beginning the insurrection only in London and Scotland, some for it in all places at once as at first proposed, others for several places in England and Scotland, and not in London, saying that if it was not begun in London, but in other places, there would be forces raised in London to send out against them, which would take out most of their strength, and that then London might be easily secured; sometimes they were for beginning it only in London and Scotland, and to have people come up to London from all parts of England, to which we answered that we thought no way better than what was first proposed, (viz.) the beginning of it in many places at once, as before mentioned, for although we had engaged none in or about Bristol, nor should not endeavour it till all things were concluded, yet with the assistance we were promised from Taunton, did not doubt but to get men enough to secure it, and that we knew not where to get ten men that would come for London, and sup posed it might be so in other places, men might be willing to secure their own country who would not be willing to leave all and come for London. Rumsey then said if he knew where to get at the head of 1,000 men he would begin it presently, and desired that we might meet the next night with some others and consider of things, so the next afternoon we met at Richard's coffee-house near Temple-Bar, and from thence to a tavern near, I think called the Little or Young Devil Tavern, where met eight persons, (viz.) colonel Rumsey, Robert West, capt. Norton, capt. Walcot, Richard Goodenough, Francis Goodenough, Nathaniel Wade and myself, this was the first time I knew Walcot. When we were all sat, colonel Rumsey spoke to this effect, as near as I can remember the same words; Gentlemen, if we can raise three thousand men in and about London, there is a person of honour will appear at the head of them and begin the business; which we supposed to be the duke of Monmouth, and do not well remember whether he mentioned his name or not. Which proposal much surprised Mr. Wade and I, that he should then question the raising of 3,000 men; whereas when it was first mentioned to us we thought they had been sure of many thousands in London, at an hour's warning. Then it was considered how 3,000 men might be raised, and how they might do something to the purpose: then we declared what method we had concluded on, for the management of affairs in Bristol, which was as followeth, and they could think of no better way, so it was concluded that London and the suburbs should be divided into twenty parts, and one man made choice of in each division, who should chuse out ten in his division that he could trust, and each of those ten to find out fifteen, which would make 161 in each division, so that twenty divisions would produce 3,220, in order to which a map of London was to be bought the next day, and each division drawn out in a particular paper, mentioning every street and lane of note in it, with the North, East, South and West bounds thereof, and to be brought the next meeting two or three nights after; at the first meeting it was agreed that none should know of this design, viz. (of the chief managers) till all the men were secured, and that these seven, I being not to stay long in London, should meet every two or three nights till all was completed. At this meeting Rumsey and West would be often saying, there was nothing like the lopping business, meaning the taking off the king and duke, and that it might be easily done, as they went to or from the Play-house, but I never heard any agree with him in it. Next day a map was bought, and brought to West's chamber in the Temple, where some met to divide it, and draw out the divisions against the next meeting. The next place we met at, I think was the Castle-tavern in Fleet-street, where some of the divisions were brought, all being not done, and then it was considered bow they should be distributed, being we were | most strangers, and agreed that Richard Goodenough, who had been under-sheriff, and so had a general acquaintance, should do it, who was willing to undertake it, the rest of the divisions to be ready against the next meeting, which was two or three nights after, at the Greendragon tavern upon Snow-hill, where when Mr. Goodenough came he told us, That he had disposed of some of them, and did hope it would take effect, and that in a week or ten days he should have fixed the twenty men; the consideration how things should be managed, was deferred till they were sure of the men, only some mentioned their opinions how the Tower, Whitehall, and other places might be best surprised. The Tower was thought might be best gained in the day time, Whitehall and other places in the night, with many such things in way of discourse: Rumsey was still upon the old strain of killing the king and the duke, saying, at this the last meeting I was at, going for Bristol next morning, that it might be done in Windsor-park, and that he would undertake it, but not except every one there present would go with bim, to which not one consented; I replying that I was for no such thing, but seeing the other business had gone so far, and was known to so many, if they could bring it to bear in London and other places, I rashly said, rather than fail of Bristol we will undertake it at noon day with an hundred men; to which Rumsey said I was a bold fellow; they then promised, when they were sure of the men, to advise and take care for some arms for us at Bristol, and that we should have some great person come down to head us; but I heard no more till the news of the discovery came in public letters; I remember one time when Wade and I was with Ferguson, he told us that the duke of Mon. mouth was brought to a low condition, all his places being taken from him, and his tenants in Scotland (being so severely dealt with upon account of their religion) was not able to pay rent, so that his estate there, which was accounted worth 10 or 12,000l. per ann. did not yield him the last year 2,000/. that he was not well pleased with the management of affairs, and desired Mr. Wade to appoint a place where he would meet the lord Gerrard, and sir Thomas Armstrong, to discourse them, to which Mr. Wade replied, he would meet none of them, for such great men had betrayed the nation already, and ensnared too many thousands to no purpose. How it was to have been acted in Bristol. We concluded that the only way to secure Bristol would be by a surprize, which with about 350 men (150 of which we depended on from Taunton, the other 200 to be raised in and about the city) might easily be done about four o'clock in the morning, as soon as the watch were gone off, without the bloodshed of one man, thus, dividing the city into 14 parts, so making 13 posts besides the main guard, which should at first have been at the Toulzy, |