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to show that, in the constitution of that order itself, there is something inherently wrong? Something that, if the excellence of mankind were greater, it would be found desirable to amend? Nor here, in accordance with that fearless pursuit of truth, whether welcome or unwelcome, which I propose to myself in these pages, can I refrain from the remark, that in surveying from different points the constituent principles of an order of peers, we are led to one and the same conclusion—that there is in these principles something really and inherently wrong; something which adapts the order to an imperfect, and only to an imperfect, state of mankind

114. If then we grant the propriety of an exception in the case of the peerage, we do not grant it with respect to other men. Much may be done to diminish the inequality of property, and with it to diminish the vices of a people, by abolishing the system of primogeniture except in the case of peers.

Of the laws which make certain estates inalienable, or, which is not very different, allow the present possessor to entail them, the effect is constant and habitual. To prevent a reasonable and good man from making that division of his property which reason and goodness prescribe, is a measure which, if it be adopted, ought surely to be recommended by very powerful considerations. And what are they-except that they enable or oblige a man to keep up the splendour of his family? Splendour of family! Oh! to what an ignis fatuus, to what a pitiable scheme of vanity, are affection, and reason, and virtue, obliged to bow! Where is the man who will stand forward and affirm that this splendour is dictated by a regard to the proper dignity of our nature? Where is he who will affirm that it is dictated by sound principles of virtue?-Where, especially, is he who will affirm that it is dictated by religion? It has nothing to do with religion, nor virtue, nor human dignity: religion despises it as idly vain; morality reprobates it as sacrificing sense and affec- 115. Of so great ill consequence is excestion to vanity; dignity rejects it as a fictitious sive wealth, and the effect to which it tends, and unworthy substitute for itself. Yet, per- excessive poverty, that a government might haps, this humiliating motive of vanity is the perhaps rightly discountenance the accumumost powerful of those which induce attach-lation of extreme personal property. Proment to the system of primogeniture, or which would occasion opposition to attempts at reform. Perhaps it will be said, that to make the real estate of a man inalienable is really a kindness to his successors, by preventing him from squandering it away-to which the answer is, that there is no more reason for preventing the extravagance of those who possess much property than of those who possess little. No legislature thinks of enacting that a man who has two thousand pounds in the funds shall not sell it and spend it if he thinks fit. In general, men take care of their property without compulsion from the law; and if it is affirmed that the heads of great families are more addicted to this profusion and extravagance than other men, it will only additionally show the mischiefs of excessive possessions. Why should they be more addicted to it unless the temptations of greatness are unusually powerful and unusually prevail ?

113. But it will be said, that the system is almost necessary to an order of nobility. I am sorry for it. If, as is probably at present the case, that order is expedient in the political constitution, and if its weight in the constitution must be kept up by the system of primogeniture, I do not affirm that, with respect to the peerage, this system should be at present abolished. But then let the enlightened man consider whither these considerations lead him. If a system essentially irrational and injurious is indispensable to a certain order of mankind, what is it but

bably there is no means of doing this, without
an improper encroachment upon liberty,
except by some regulations respecting wills.
I perceive nothing either unreasonable or
unjust in refusing a probate for an amount
exceeding a certain sum. Supposing the law
would allow no man to bequeath more than
a given sum, what would be the ill effect?
That it would discourage enterprising in-
dustry? That industry is of little use which
extends its desires of accumulation to an
amount that has no limit. The man of talent
and application, after he had so far benefited
himself and his country by his exertions or
inventions, as to acquire such property as
would procure for him all the accommodations
of life which he could rationally enjoy, may
retire from the accumulation of more, and
leave the result of his talents to bring com-
fort and competence to other men.
It may
be said, that a man might still accumulate a
larger sum to dispose of before his death :-
So he might; but few would do it. Of those
who are ambitious of so much more than
conduces to the welfare of themselves and
their children, few would continue to toil in
order to give it away. Benevolence does not
generally form a part of the motives to such
accumulation. If once the law refused the
bequest of more than a fixed sum, by appro-
priating the excess to the exigencies of the
state, or to measures of public utility, men
would learn to set limits to their desires.
That restless pursuit of wealth which is per-
nicious to the pursuer and to other men,
would be powerfully checked; and he who

had acquired enough, might habitually give place to the many who had too little. The writer of these pages makes no pretensions to a knowledge of the minute details of moral legislation. It is his business, in a case like this, whilst enforcing the end, only to suggest the means. Other and better means of diminishing the inequality of property than those which have just been alluded to, may probably be discovered by practical men. But of the end itself it becomes the writer of morality to speak with earnestness and with confidence. It admits of neither dispute nor doubt, that in our own country, and in many others, there subsist extremes of wealth and poverty which are highly injurious to private virtue and to the public good; and therefore it admits neither of dispute nor doubt, that the endeavour to diminish these extremes is an important (unhappy-that it is also a neglected!) branch of moral legislation.

CHAPTER X.

Administration of Justice.

3. But if this truth is applied in the present state of society, it is found so difficult to obtain judges who will apply the sound principles of equity, judges who will exercise absolute discretionary power without improper biasses, that the inquirer is fearful to pronounce a judgment respecting the rule which should regulate the administration of justice.

4. Men, seeing the difficulties to which an attempt to administer simple equity is exposed, have advanced as a fundamental maxim-that the law shall be made by one set of men and its execution entrusted to another-thus endeavouring, on the one hand, to prevent rules from being made under the bias resulting from the contemplation of particular cases, and on the other, to preclude the appliers of the rules from the influence of the same bias, by obliging them to decide according to a preconcerted law.

5. But, when we have gone thus farwhen we have allowed that questions between man and man shall be decided by a rule that is independent of the merits of the present case, we have departed far from the

Substitution of justice for law-Court of Chancery-pure dictate of rectitude. We have made

of fixed laws-Their inadequacy-They increase litigation-Delays - Expenses - InformalitiesPrecedents-Verdicts-Legal proof-Courts of arbitration-An extended system of arbitrationArbitration in criminal trials-Constitution of

courts of arbitration-Their effects-Some alterations suggested-Technicalities-Useless laws.

the standard to consist not of justice but of law; and having done this, we have opened wide the door to the entrance of injustice. And it does enter indeed!

6. The consideration of this state of things 1. In considering this great subject the should pursue the rule of abstract rectitude indicates one satisfactory truth-that we inquirer after truth is presented, as upon to the utmost of our power; that we should some kindred subjects, with one great per- constantly keep in view, that whatever decivading difficulty. If he applies the conclusion is made upon any other ground than sions of abstract truth, such is the imperfect condition of mankind, that it loses a portion of its practical adaptation to its object. If he deviates from this truth, where shall he seek for a director of his judgment? He is left to roam amongst endless speculations, where nothing is to be found with the impress

of certain rectitude.

2. The dictate of simple truth respecting the Administration of Justice is, that if two men differ upon a question of property or of right, that decision should be made between them which Justice, in that specific case, requires; that if a person has committed a public offence, that punishment should be awarded which his actual deserts and the proper objects of punishment demand.

1 The legal division of the personal property of intestates admits of easy amendment. Two men die, of whom each leaves six thousand pounds behind him. One has a wife and one child, and the other a wife and eight children. It can hardly be rational to give to the widow in both these cases the same share of the property. In one or two nations the law gives a third of the income of the real estates, in addition, to the widow; but better regulations even than this were easily devised.

that of simple justice, it is so far defeating the object for which Courts of Justice are established: and therefore, that in whatever degree it is practicable to find men who will the dictates of justice upon that question, in decide every specific question according to the same degree it is right to supersede the application of inferior principles.

principles upon which the morality of these 7. Am I then sacrificing the fundamental that expediency ought to take precedence of Essays is founded? Am I, at last, conceding the state of human virtue is such that not rectitude? No; but I am saying, that if brethren-men must judge as justly as they one can be found to judge justly between his can, and a legislator must contrive such boundaries and checks for those who have to administer justice, as shall make the imperfection of human virtue as little pernicious as he may. If this virtue were perfect, courts of law might perhaps safely and rightly be shut There would be a rule of judgment preferable to law; and law itself, so

up.

far as it consists of absolute rules for the direction of decisions between man and man, might almost be done away.

8. Now, in considering the degree in which this great desideratum-the substitution of justice for law-can be effected, let us be especially careful that we throw no other impediments in the way of justice than those which are interposed by the want of purity in mankind. Let us never regard a system of administering justice as fixed, so that its maxims shall not be altered whenever an

increase of purity dictates that an alteration may be made. All the existing national systems of administering justice are imperfect and alloyed:-a mixture of evil and good. It were sorrowful indeed to assume that they cannot be, or to provide that they shall not be, amended.

9. The system in this country, like most systems which are the gradual accretion of the lapse of ages, is incongruous in its different parts. In the decisions that are founded upon legal technicalities, the method of applying absolute uniform law is adopted. In the assessment of damages there is exercised very great discretionary power. In pronouncing verdicts upon prisoners, juries are scarcely allowed any discretion at all. They say absolutely either not guilty or guilty. Then again, discretion is entrusted to the judge, and he may pronounce sentences of imprisonment or of transportation, varying according to his judgment in their duration or circumstances. The reader should well observe this admission of discretionary power to the judicial court, because it is a practical acknowledgment that considerations of equity are indispensable to the administration of justice, whatever may be the multiplicity or precision of the laws. Our judges are entrusted, on the circuits, with the discretionary power of commuting capital punishments or leaving the offender for execution. This is equivalent to an acknowledgment, that even the most tremendous sanctions of the state are more safely applied upon principles of equity than upon principles of law. Let the reader bear this in his mind.

10. Of the general tendency and attendant evils of uniform law, some illustrations have been offered in the preceding Essay, and some observations have been offered in the chapter on Arbitration, on the advantages of administering justice upon principles of equity, that is, by a large discretionary power. Now it will be our business to inquire into some of the reasonings by which the application of uniform law is recommended-to illustrate yet further the moral claims of Courts of Equity, and to show if we can that some

greater approximation to the adoption of these courts is practicable even in the present condition of mankind.

11. The administration of justice, according to a previously made rule, labours under this fundamental objection, that it assumes a knowledge in the maker of the rule which he does not possess. It assumes that he can tell beforehand, not only what is a good decision in a certain class of questions, but what is the best; and the objection appears so much the more palpable, because it assumes that a party who judges a case before it exists, can better tell what is justly due to an offended or an offending person, than those who hear all the particulars of the individual case. This objection, which it is evident can never be got over, is practically felt and acknowledged. Every relaxation of a strict adherence to the law, every concession of discretionary power to juries or to courts, is an acknowledgment of the inherent inadequacy and impropriety of fixed rules. You perceive that no fixed rules can define and discriminate justly for specific cases. Multiply them as you may, the gradations in the demands for equitable decision will multiply yet faster; so that you are forced at last to concede something to equity, though perhaps there has not hitherto been conceded enough. Our Court of Chancery was originally, and still is called, a Court of Equity, the erection of which court is paying a sort of tacit homage to equity as superior to law, and making a sort of tacit acknowledgment how imperfect and inefficient the fundamental principles of fixed law are. It is perhaps a subject of regret that this court is now a court of equity rather in name than in fact. It proceeds, in a great degree, according to the rule of precedent; one of the principal differences between its practical character and that of legal courts being, that in one a jury decides questions, and in the other a judge.

12. And after all the fixedness of the law is much less in practice than in theory. We all know how various and contradictory are the "opinions" of legal men, so that a person may present his "case" to three or four able lawyers in succession, and receive from each a different answer. Nay, if several should agree when they are applied to as judges in the case, it is found, when a person comes into court, that counsel can find legal arguments, and unanswerable arguments too, on both sides of the question, till at last the question is decided, not by a fixed law, but by a preponderance of weight of conflicting precedents. Indeed the unfixedness of the law is practically so great, that common fame has made it a proverb.

13. Another inconvenience which is in

separable from the use of fixed rules is, that they almost preclude a court from attending sufficiently to one very important point in the administration of justice, the intention of offending parties. Law says, if a man steals another person's watch under such and such circumstances, he shall receive such and such a punishment. Yet the guilt of two men who steal watches under the same visible circumstances, is often totally disproportionate; and this disproportion indicates the propriety of corresponding gradations of penalty. Yet fixed law awards the same penalty to both. If it is said that a court may take intention and motives into the account in its sentence, so it may; but in whatever degree it does this, in the same degree it acknowledges the incompetency and inaptitude of fixed laws.

14. "The motives and intentions of the parties." When we consider that the personal guilt of a man depends more upon these than upon his simple acts, and consequently that these rather than his acts indicate his deserts, it appears desirable that human tribunals should measure their punishments as much by a reference to actual deserts as is consistent with the public good. I would not undertake to affirm that the guilt of the offender is to us the ultimate standard of just punishment, because it may be necessary to the prevention of crimes, that of two offences equal in guilt, one should be punished more severely than another, on account of the greater facilities for its commission-that is, on account of the greater impracticability of guarding against the offence, or of detecting the offender after it is committed. But, in speaking of the propriety of adverting to intention, this is not the point in view. I speak not of the difference between two classes of crimes, but of the actual motives, inducements, and temptations of the individual offender. Stealing five pounds' worth of property in sheep, although it may be no more vicious, as an act, than stealing a fivepound note from the person, may perhaps be rightly visited with a severer punishment. This is one thing. But two men may each steal a sheep with very different degrees of personal guilt. This is another. And this is the point of which we speak. A man who is able to maintain himself in respectability, but will not apply himself to an honest occupation-who lives by artifices, or frauds, or thefts, or gambling, or contracting debts, watches night after night an opportunity to carry off sheep from an enclosure. He succeeds, and spends the value in drunkenness, or at a bagnio. A man of decent character who, in a period of distress, endeavours in vain to procure employment or bread-who pawns, day after day, his furniture, his

clothing, his bed, to obtain food for his children and his wife—who finds at last that all is gone, and that hunger continues its demands-passes a sheep field. The thought of robbing starts suddenly before him, and he as suddenly executes it. He carries home the meat, and is found by the police hastily cutting slices for his voracious family. Ought these two men to receive the same punishment? It is impossible. Justice, common sense, Christianity forbid it. We cannot urge, in such cases, that human tribunals, being unable to penetrate the secret motives of action, must leave it to the Supreme Being to apportion punishment strictly to guilt. We can discover, though not the exact amount of guilt, a great deal of difference between its degrees. We do actually know, that of two persons who commit the same crime, one is often much more criminal than another; and were it not that our jurisprudence habituates us so much to refer simply to acts, we might know much more than we do. We are often ignorant of motives only because we do not inquire for them. A law says, "If any person shall enter a field and steal a sheep or horse, he shall suffer death;" and so, when a court comes to try a man charged with the act, they perhaps scarcely think of any other consideration than whether he stole the animal or not. Of ten who do thus steal, no two probably deserve exactly the same punishment, and some, undoubtedly, deserve much less than others.

15. Discrimination, then, is necessary to the demands alike of humanity, and reason, and religion. But how shall sufficient discrimination be exercised under a system of fixed laws? If the decisions of courts must be regulated by the acts of the offender, how shall they take into account those endless gradations of personal desert, to refer to which is a sine qua non of the administration of justice? Now, in order to satisfy these demands, courts must by some means be entrusted with a greater discretionary power; or, which is the same thing, decisions upon maxims of equity must, in a greater degree, take the place of decisions regulated by law.

16. The next great objection is, that to place, for example, men's property at the discretion of a court of equity that was not bound down by fixed rules, would make the possession of every man's property uncertain. Nobody would know whether the estate which he and his fathers enjoyed, might not to-morrow, by the decision of some court of equity, be taken away. But this supposes that the decisions of these courts would be arbitrary and capricious; whereas, the supposition upon which we set out-the

supposition upon which alone we reason, is, that means can be devised by which their decisions shall be generally at least accordant with rectitude. They must deviate very widely from rectitude if they took away a man's estate without some reason which appeared to them to be good; and it could hardly appear to be good, on a full hearing of the case, unless the merits of that case were very questionable; but in proportion to that questionableness would be the smallness of the grievance if the estate were taken away. Let any man suppose a case for himself-he possesses a house, to which no one ever disputed his title, till some person chooses to bring his title before a court of equity-of the members of which court the possessor nominates one half; does any man in his senses suppose that the property would be endangered? or rather, does any man suppose that a person would be foolish enough to call the title in question? But we must repeat the other alternative. If a person holds an estate by a decision of law which he would not have held by a decision of rectitude, we do not listen to his complaints though it be taken away. It is just what we desire.

17. It has been contended, that to depart further from the system of deciding by law, would tend to the increase of litigation; that nothing prevents litigation so much as previous certainty of the rule of decision; and that if, instead of this certainty, the decision of a court were left to a species of chance, there would be litigation without end. But in this argument it is not sufficiently considered that previous certainty of the rule of decision is very imperfectly possessedthat, as we have just been observing, the law is not fixed; and, consequently, that that discouragement of litigation which would arise out of previously known rules, very imperfectly operates. Nor, again, is it enough considered, that the decision of a court of equity, if properly constituted, would not be a matter of chance, nor anything that is like it. Though a legal rule would not bind a court, still it would be boundbound by the dictates-commonly the very intelligible dictates—of right and wrong. Reason," it has been said, "is a thousand times more explicit and intelligible than law; " and if reason were not more intelligible, still the moral judgments in the mind assuredly are. Again, many causes are now brought into court, not because they are morally good, but legally good. Of this the contending parties are often conscious, and they would therefore be conscious that a court which regulated its decisions by the moral qualities of a case, would decide against them. At present, when a man contemplates a lawsuit, he has to judge as

well as he can of the probability of success, by inquiring into the rules of law and decisions of former cases. If a court of equity were to be the judge, he would have to appeal to a much nearer and more determinate ground of probability-to his own consciousness of the justness of his cause. We are therefore to set the discouragement of litigation, which arises from this source, against that which arises from the supposed fixedness of law; and I am disposed to conclude, that in a well constituted court this discouragement would be practically the greater. Another point is this:-it is unhappily certain, that either the ignorance or the cupidity of some legal men prompts many to engage in lawsuits who have little even of legal reason to hope for success. This cause of litigation equity would do away; a lawyer would not be applied to, for a lawyer would have no better means of foreseeing the probable decision of a court of equity than another man.

18. Here, too, it is to be remembered that the great, what if I say the crying evils of the present state of legal practice, result fromthe employment of fixed laws. It has indeed been acknowledged by an advocate of these laws, that they "erect the practice of the law into a separate profession."1 Now, suppose all the evils, all the expenses, all the disposition to litigation and dispute, all the practical injustice, which results from this profession were done away-would not the benefit be very great? Would it not be a great advantage to the quiet, and the pockets, and the virtue of the nation? I regard this one circumstance as forming a recommendation of equity so powerful, that serious counterbalancing evils must be urged to overcome its weight. Even to the political economist the dissolution or great diminution of the profession is of some importance. I am no proficient in his science: but it requires little proficiency to discover, that the existence of a large number of persons who not only contribute little to the national prosperity, but often deduct from it, is no trifling evil in a state. But it is not simply as it respects the profession that fixed laws are thus injurious. They are the great ultimate occasion of those obstacles to the attainment of justice which are felt to be a grievance in almost all civilised nations. The delays and the expenses, and the undefined annoyances of vexation and disappointment, deter many from seeking their just rights. Delays are occasioned in a great degree by forms; and forms are a part of the system of fixed laws. Expenses are entailed by the necessity of complying with these forms, and of employing those persons whose knowledge is requisite to tell us what those forms are ;

1 Paley: Mor. and Pol. Phil., b. 6, c. 8.

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