Some points are obscure but the outlines of the organization are perfectly clear. There was one term for both father's father and mother's father, and from what we know of Indian tribes elsewhere it is probable that this term was extended generally to designate the old men of the tribe. A complementary term was used for grandmother, employed in precisely the same ways. There was one term for father and one for mother, but, with the addition of a syllable, these were made to apply to the father's brothers and the mother's sisters, respectively. From experience with other types of organization we may feel sure that they were used for the men and women of the father's and mother's clans of their generation also. There was a term for mother's brother and a term for father's sister, each of which probably had similar clan extensions. While pronounced differently these two, neba and nibi, have a most suggestive similarity. There were terms for elder brother, younger brother, elder sister, and younger sister. The sister, however, made less distinction between the elder and the younger brother than did the brother between his elder and younger sister. These terms likewise included elder and younger brothers and sisters of the father's brothers and the mother's sisters. There was one term for the child of self whether male or female, and by the man this term was used for the brothers' children and for the mother's brothers' children as well. The name used for her children by a woman, however, was applied only to them and to the children of her sisters. On the other hand, she called by one term, which we may compare to our nephew or niece, the children of her brothers and of her mother's brothers, while the man's corresponding term applied only to his sisters' children. There was one term for grandchild of wide application and a term for father's sister's child. From the nature of the terms used I will hazard a guess that it was from this last group that husbands and wives were selected. Regarding in-law relationships this much is certain, that there was one distinct term for son-in-law and another for daughter-in-law. terms for father-in-law and mother-in-law are based upon these. The terms used for brother-in-law and sister-in-law seem to have been as follows: one for the individual of the opposite sex on either side (tafi), one for the husband of a man's sister and probably for the brother of his wife, and one for the wife of a woman's brother and the sister of her husband. Most of the other terms are descriptive. The influence of the clan system on the extension of these terms would probably be evident if Pareja had taken the trouble to give more extended information, but it is by no means necessary that it should belong to a tribe having exogamous groups. The terms for grandfather, grandmother, and grandchild probably have no connection with clans. The terms for father's brother and mother's sister, which are modifications of those for father and mother, might The equally well be used by tribes with clans or without clans, and when we get to the next generation we find the children of the father's brothers and those of the mother's sisters called alike by the same terms as the own brothers and sisters. They might all belong to the same clan, it is true, but only in case there were but two exogamous groups in the tribe or in case Pareja has merely recorded the terms used in such cases. Distinction of descent as between father and mother is carefully preserved also in the generation succeeding, a man calling his brothers' children by the same terms as his own children, and a woman her sisters' children by the same names as her own children, while the sisters' children and brothers' children, respectively, receive still other terms. Of course this might indicate exogamous groups, as it is probable there would be a feeling against intermarriage between persons calling themselves brothers and sisters, but unless we suppose, as already stated, only two exogamous groups there is no reason why the children of brothers should belong to the same clan. The mother's brother's child is called by the same name as his own child by a man and by the same name as her brother's child by a woman. These two terms suggest a clan organization more strongly than any others, but do not establish it. The individuals of these classes might have been categorized together without any further extension of the terms. If we assume but two exogamous groups among the Timucua the above terms will fall in with it harmoniously, but there is every reason to suppose that there were more; and, such being the case, we find that many groups of persons receive one name not because they are of one clan but because they bear a certain blood relation to self or because their parents had received a certain name. With more than two clans the children of brothers are not necessarily of one clan. If they then call each other brothers and sisters it is evidently on account of the relationship between their fathers. I call my brothers' children by the same name as mine, although they may belong to several clans, simply because their fathers are my brothers. Precisely this classification is found among the Creeks, except that with them a term is used which distinguishes my actual children from the children of my clan brothers. Both, however, convey the significance of "my son" or "my boy," and the distinction introduced does not follow clan lines. One includes my actual children; the other children of my clansmen, whether they are of the same clan as my children or not. We have several documentary statements regarding the existence of matrilineal descent and the inheritance of the sister's son. All beyond this that we know of the clan system of the Timucua is contained in the following paragraphs of Pareja, which I quote from Gatschet's translation with one or two small corrections. It occurs in the original immediately after the terms of relationship. 148061°-22-24 There are many other terms for degrees of kinship too prolix to be given here, and I therefore mention only the most important. In the following lines I will mention some of the principal lineages found in every part and province of the country, though sometimes occurring in a different shape, and I begin with the pedigrees of the upper chiefs and their progeny. The upper chiefs (caciques), to whom other chiefs are subject, are called ano parucusi holata ico (or olato aco; or utinama). From this class comes a councillor, who leads the chief by the hand, and whose title is inihama. From him comes another class, that of the anacotima; the cacique seeks the advice of these second councillors, when he does not require that of the inihama. Another caste descends from the anacotima; it is that of the second anacotima, and from these the afetama derive themselves. Another class (of councillors) usually accompanies the iniha, who forms the first degree after the head-chief; this class is the ibitano class. From the ibitano a line proceeds, that affords councillors; this line is called toponole, and from them spring the ibichara. From the last named proceed the amalachini, and the last lineage that traces its origin to the head chief is itorimitono, to which little respect is paid. But all the other classes, mentioned before this last, are held in high consideration; they do not intermarry, and although they are now Christians, they remain observers of these caste distinctions and family pedigrees. Of a further line derived from the upper chief all members call and consider each other as "nephews." This is the line of the White Deer, honoso nayo. In the provinces of the "Fresh Water" and Potano, all these lineages emanating from the chief are termed people of the Great Deer, quibiro ano. Families sprung from former chiefs are: oyorano fiyo chuluquita oconi, (or simply) oyolano. The lower pedigrees of the common people are the "Dirt (or Earth) pedigree," utihasomi enatiqi; the Fish pedigree, cuyuhasomi, and its progeny, called cuyuhasomi aroqui, cuyuhasomiele, while its progenitors are termed tucunubala, irihibano, apichi. Another strange lineage is that of the Buzzard, apohola; from it descend those of the nuculaha, nuculahaquo, nucula-haruqui, chorofa, usinaca, ayahanisino, napoya, amacahuri, ha-uenayo, amusaya. These lineages all derive themselves from the apohola and do not intermarry. Still another pedigree is that of the chulufichi; from it is derived the arahasomi or Bear pedigree, the habachaca and others, proceeding from this last. From the acheha derives itself the Lion family or hiyaraba, the Partridge line or cayahasomi, and others, as the efaca, hobatine, quasi, chehelu. In some districts these lineages are of low degree, while in others they rank among the first, and since it would be mere loss of time to give more, the above may suffice.1 Two different classifications seem to be represented here, of which the second is plainly along the line of clans, and the groups probably were in fact clans similar to those of the Creeks. The first, however, indicates a kind of aristocratic system which appears to have been based on male descent and recalls somewhat the special privileges accorded to children and grandchildren of "Suns" among the Natchez. Perhaps these "lineages" were actually associated with clans, just as the henihas among the Creeks were drawn from a certain clan, and among some towns the tåstenågis and imałas were largely from definite clans. Since the ending -ma of inihama is probably the plural, it is quite possible or even probable that the inihama were the Timucua equivalents of the Creek henihålgi. We find that linked clans 1 Pareja, Cathecismo, pp. 130–133; Gatschet in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., xví, pp. 492–493, or phratries existed among the Timucua. The word for clan appears to have been hasomi. Pareja mentions six phratries-that of the White Deer, or Great Deer, which seems to have been that to which the chief usually belonged in the provinces best known to him; the Dirt or Earth phratry; the Fish phratry; the Buzzard (or Vulture, aura) phratry; the Chulufichi phratry; and the Acheha phratry. Some of their subdivisions are also given by Pareja. The aristocratic nature of Timucua government is apparent from the statements of the French already referred to as well as from the information regarding their social organization recorded by Pareja. From Pareja's Catechism it appears that chiefs were allowed to exact tribute and labor from their subjects, and that by way of punishment they sometimes had the arms of their laborers broken.1 From the same source we learn that just before assuming the chieftainship a man had a new fire lighted and maintained for six days in a small house or arbor which was closed up with laurels and "other things." The chiefs wore at times long painted skins, the ends of which were held up from the ground by attendants. Le Moyne figures this and the custom is directly confirmed by Laudonnière, whose testimony there is no reason to doubt; otherwise we might regard it as something drawn from the customs of European courts and falsely attributed to the Floridians. These skins were often presented to the French as marks of esteem. In giving out drinking water the bearer observed "a certain order and reverence" to each." As intimated above, the country appears to have been divided between a limited number of head chiefs, under each of whom were a very much greater number of local chiefs. These little confederacies may have been of the nature of some of the larger Creek groups which consisted of a head town and a number of outsettlements. From Laudonnière we learn that, like Indian tribes generally, the ancient Floridians observed taboos with reference to women at the time of their monthly periods and when a child was born. He implies that when a woman was pregnant she lived in a house apart from that of her husband. The men would not eat food touched by a menstruant woman." Of their marriages the same writer says: They marry, and every one hath his wife, and it is lawful for the king to have two or three, yet none but the first is honored and acknowledged for queen, and none but the children of the first wife inherit the goods and authority of the father." 1 Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., XVI, pp. 489, 490. 2 Ibid., p. 490. 3 Le Moyne, Narrative, pl. 39. Laudonnière, La Floride, pp. 72-73; French, Hist. Colls. La., 1869, p. 228. Laudonnière, ibid., p. 74; French, ibid., p. 229. • Laudonnière, ibid., pp. 8-9; French, ibid., p. 172. |