taxation that would endanger their liberties and enlarge the prerogative; why, in that cafe, they are not, properly fpeaking, their reprefentatives at all. The original defign of the conftitution, and of their being elected, is perverted and fet aside. They are not the fervants of the people, but of the crown; nor can any man of impartiality or common fenfe fay, that fhould our liberties come to be endangered by the fuffrages and compliances of fuch men, that we should tamely abide by their venal decifions, in furrendering up our privileges. The abfurdity is too great to be much reafoned upon. We cannot even call thofe a free people over whom government is equitably exercised; but thofe only who live under an administration fo conftitutionally chequed and controuled that a legal provifion is made against its being otherwife excrcifed, and the fenfe and ftrength of the people appealed to, as different exigencies fhall require. This alone is civil liberty. I have before fhewn what the Americans fuffered by their unshaken loyalty and attachment to the mother country last war, and how deeply their trade and interefts were affected by fo doing. The stamp act was paffed at a time when they were not only exhausted by the war, but also, when most severe restrictions on the North America commerce had foured the temper of the people. At that unfeasonable time (not to men tion its illegality) did a bungling, avaricious ministry attempt to tax a people not reprefented in the British parliament, and without their own confent. Our present state in Ireland renders us very unfit objects for further political experiments, left we fhould in' good earneft die in the operation. Though poor, we are still a moft tempting morfel to pick. The ftamp act is a monfter that would commit the most dreadful ravages every wherer Learning, liberty, law, arts, fciences, politics, commerce, manufactures, even the news-papers, our remaining comforters (from whence we now make known our complaints) would all fuffer, and partake of its baleful operation. Believe me, if we tamely admit this vile reftraint, or quietly hold out our necks for the yoke of flavery, we shall not only be plucked and picked, but pared to the bone. Should it get footing in this ill-fated country, it would prove but the beginning of forrows, and be only the prologue to new taxations, and different boards of politically fampt excife cfficers, that at length would dwindle into fenators or privy counsellors, and then be the faithful guardians of their own employments. We are, undoubtedly, a very extended mark for this act in our law-fuits, deeds, fettlements, contracts, aflignments, grants, papers, commiffions, mortgages, writs, wills, and various parchment proceedings: In our mercial papers and policies, protefts, clearances, bonds, indentures, infurances, awards, agreements, &c. &c. Nay, we could not flourish on a marriage, a divorce, deaths and characters, on the elevating and marvellous, on good and bad news, or on crim. con. and elopements, at free coft, and with unreftrained efforts of gemius, or flights of fancy, as we do at present. Liberty gives life and spirit to every thing; but you fee the ftamp act, by fo deeply affecting it, would throw a damp every where. The attempts of the prefent miniftry to enlarge the kingly prerogative, to make parliaments dependent on the crown, or employing fo great a part of the public treafury in maintaining a conftant ftanding majority in the House of Commons, is truly alarming. And, fhould the crown now affume to itself the appointment of officers to manage the East India affairs, or be vefted (as fome fear) with the whole civil and military authority of the presidency of Bengal, and alfo the government of all the territorial acquifitions and revenues of the company, with a fuperintency over the fettlements of Bombay and Madrafs, it would prove quite too ftrong for every effort that could be made against it; for, by having fuch an additional number of places to bestow, the independence of parliament must be destroyed, and that just Balance by which the freedom of the conftitu tion has been fo long maintained, would be loft. The ufual forms might, indeed, be kept up between the K-g and his parliamentary trained bands, but the liberty of the subjects would be no more; and this flow, fure method (as it were) by fap, to undermine our freedom, is more dangerous than, perhaps, an open attack on our privileges, which at once would call forth the united ftrength and resolution of the people. Their majefty on fuch an occasion, or when their liberties are endangered, will appear with becoming greatnefs and dignity. Glory and safety shall ever attend fuch. A virtuous, free people will find amazing refources in their own native strength and vigilance; in their activity and wifdom; in their valour, refolution, and love of freedom. The noblest, most animating reflections will infpire them in defending ́our most excellent, legal conftitution. Oppreffions often repeated, or arbitrary designs avowed and held forth, may (like the spear of Telephus) bring a remedy along with their wounds and diftreffes. Our parliamentary fecurity and privileges, muft ever be endangered without triennial or rather annual elections, could they be obtained; and above all, that none who fhall hold places of profit, under the crown, fhall fit in the Houfe of Commons; for the admitting fuch into it again as have vacated their feats by preferment, on their being re-elected,, is but a mere farce; these matters being all fettled beforehand. Indeed, until our political ftate doctors, fhall cease to feel the pulses of the members, it is to be feared we fhall not ftand faft in the liberty, wherewith the conftitution had made us free. But to return to our subject. Though the Americans, by their charters and original privileges, could not be taxed without their own confent, because not represented; yet the famous governor Bernard, (now one of our five new excife officers) attorney for the ftamp act in Boston, told the people in one of his harangues, "That the right of the parliament of Great-Britain to make laws for the colonies, remains indifputable at Westminster."-Excellent! This, no doubt, was very edifying and convincing to the Boflonians, &c. who were of a different way of thinking, and exercised the right of private judgment thoroughly on that occafion. I hope we, who boaft of greater light and liberty, will, if attempted on this fufpicious, heretical subject, take the freedom likewife of being fully perfuaded in our own minds in this matter. That we may have a clearer view of this interefting affair, we must turn our thoughts, not only to the great extenfion of the ftamp act, and the heavy taxes that would arife from it, as defigned for and attempted amongst the Americans; by which we fhall fee how much we should be on our guard against fuch |