On the subject of vice-president, the republicans, or democrats, were not united. The result of the election was as follows: John Adams, 71; Thomas Jefferson, 68; Thomas Pinckney, 59; Aaron Burr, 30; Samuel Adams, 15; Oliver Ellsworth, 11; George Clinton, 7; John Jay, 5; James Iredell, 3; George Washington, 2; J. Henry, 2; S. Johnson, 2; Charles C. Pinckney, 1. Total number of electoral votes, 138—each elector voting for two persons. Mr. Adams was therefore elected president, and Mr. Jefferson vice-president, for four years from the fourth of March, 1797.

In November, while the election was pending, and parties were so nearly balanced that neither scale could be perceived to preponderate, the French minister to this country, Mr. Adet, addressed a letter to the secretary of state, which he also caused to be immediately published in the newspapers, reproaching the federal administration with violating those treaties with France which had secured the independence of the United States, with ingratitude to France, and with partiality to England. Mr. Adet also announced the orders of his government to suspend his ministerial functions with that of the United States. This suspension of his functions, however, was not to be regarded "as a rupture between France and the United States, but as a mark of just discontent, which was to last until the government of the United States returned to sentiments and to measures more conformable to the interests of the alliance, and to the sworn friendship between the two nations."

Whatever motives might have impelled Mr. Adet to make this open and direct appeal to the American people, in the critical moment of their election of a chief magistrate, it does not appear in any material degree to have influenced that election.

On the 7th of December, 1796, Washington met Congress for the last time. His address was comprehensive, temperate, and dignified. It presented a full and clear view of the situation of the United States, and recommended certain great national measures in the utility of which he felt a confidence; concluding with his congratulations on the success of the experiment of the form of government under the constitution, and his prayers for its perpetuity.

The answers of both houses to this speech, notwithstanding the conflict of parties, were adopted nearly unanimously. Both expressed their grateful sense of the eminent services he had rendered his country, their extreme regret at his retiring from office, and their ardent wishes for his future personal happiness. Perfect unanimity, however, did not prevail in the house of representatives. Mr. Giles, of Virginia, said: “If he stood alone in the opinion, he would declare that he was not convinced that the administration of the government for these six years, had been wise and firm. He did not regret the president's retiring from office. He hoped he would retire, and enjoy the happiness that awaited his retirement. He believed it would more conduce to that happiness that he

should retire, than if he should remain in office." In this opinion of Mr. Giles, only eleven concurred, and with him voted against the answer.

On the 19th of January, 1797, the president, agreeably to the intimation in his speech at the opening of the session, communicated to Congress the state of the relations of the country with the French republic. It contained not only an able review, but an ample refutation of the various charges made by France, as well as a complete justification of the conduct of President Washington toward that nation. This exposition, however, created no change in the conduct of France, and produced little effect on the parties in America.†

On the 4th of March, 1797, the administration of President Washington closed-a period to which he had looked forward with inexpressible pleasure. After witnessing the inauguration of his successor, he withdrew from Philadelphia to Mount Vernon, to spend the remainder of his days in retirement.

During his administration, all the disputes between the United States. and foreign nations had been adjusted, with the exception of those of France; at home, public and private credit was restored-ample provision made for the security and ultimate payment of the public debt-commerce had experienced unexampled prosperity-American tonnage had nearly doubled the products of agriculture had found a ready marketthe exports had increased from nineteen millions to more than fifty-six millions of dollars-the imports in about the same proportion-and the amount of revenues from imports had exceeded the most sanguine calcu lations. The prosperity of the country had been, indeed, without example, notwithstanding great losses from belligerent depredations.‡

At this day, the conduct and character of Washington are spoken of with respect and veneration by most men. We have seen several sorts of administration of public affairs since his time; it is not too soon to consider calmly and dispassionately, the worth of that conducted by him. To the high responsibility of giving motion and effect to the new system, among discordant elements, it was the lot of Washington to be called.

Was it right or wrong to provide for the payment of the public debt, justly called "the price of liberty?" Who can answer in the negative ? Not to have done what was done, would have been injustice, for which there could have been no palliation.

Was Washington's administration right or wrong toward France and England, during their vindictive and exterminating war? Surely, the true policy of this country was strict neutrality. To preserve this, the most forbearing and conciliatory measures were adopted toward each; ministers were sent, and instructions given, to show that the United States were, and meant to be, neutral. To the last hour of his administration, † Ibid. Ibid.

• Pitkin.

Washington persisted in his neutrality, and was able to countervail the popular clamor in favor of France.

In the discretionary exercise of executive power, the Washington administration was wise and talented. In filling offices, the president preferred, when he could, the revolutionary chiefs, of whose integrity and ability he had ample proofs. No one will say that such men did not deserve the honors and emoluments of office, which their own perilous efforts helped to establish. He displaced no man for the expression of his opinion, even in the feverish excitement of French delusion.

With regard to all other foreign governments; the judiciary; the national bank; the Indian tribes; the mint; in his deportment to his own ministers; his communications to Congress; his construction of the constitution; his sacred regard for it; his devotion to the whole Union; his magnanimity and forbearance; his personal dignity; in all these, and in relation to all other subjects, how great and honorable was his example !❤

• Sullivan

FAREWELL ADDRESS.

SEPTEMBER 17 1796.

Friends and Fellow-Citizens:—

THE period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom the choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove of my determination to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved counVOL. II.-6

try for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead-amid appearances sometimes dubious-vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging-in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guaranty of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to unceasing wishes that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual -that the free constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained-that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue-that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption, of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of our hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach

ment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth-as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed-it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and to speak of it as a palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate