So live with men, as if God's curious eye
Did everywhere into thine actions pry;
For never yet was sin so void of sense,
So fully faced with brazen impudence,
As that it durst before men's eyes commit
Their brutal lusts, lest they should witness it;
How dare they then offend when God shall see,
That must alone both judge and jury be?

Would'st thou live long? The only means are these,
'Bove Galen's diet, or Hippocrates';

Strive to live well; tread in the upright ways,
And rather count thy actions than thy days;
Then thou hast lived enough amongst us here;
For every day well spent I count a year.

Live well, and then, how soon so e'er thou die,
Thou art of age to claim eternity.

The following is a pleasant sample of our poet's lighter

vein.

THE SEASONS.

To

Thou art my all; the SPRING remains

In the fair violets of thy veins ;
And that it is a SUMMER's day,

Ripe cherries in thy lips display.
And when for AUTUMN I would seek,

'Tis in the apples of thy cheek.
But that which only moves my smart
Is to see WINTER in thy heart.

ORIGINAL LETTER.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON TO GOVERNOR HARRISON.

NEWBURGH, 4TH MARCH, 1783.

[This letter has been obligingly copied for us from the original on file in the office of the Executive Department of State, and is here published, we believe, for the first time.]

Dear Sir,-Your favor of the 31st of January came to my hands the Post before last, and the account from Gen. Lavalette by the last Post. Upon the receipt of the latter, your letter and Lavalette's account was sent to Sir Guy Carleton with a request to remit the money to Col. Smith at Dobbs's Ferry; who is desired to forward it to the Chev'r de la Luzerne at Philadelphia.

You ask what my expectations of Peace are?—I answer, I am scarcely able to form any ideas on the subject, since I have seen (what is called, for we have no authentic account of its being so) the King's speech; and the variety of contradictory reports respecting the negociations for it. The Enemy in New York are as impatient, and as much in the dark as we are on this occasion; not having received a Packet for more than two months. Although I cannot give you a decided opinion, under present appearances, I will transcribe the answer I gave about the first of January to a question similar to yours, from a Gentleman of my acquaintance in Maryland; which, as matters are yet undecided, or rather the decision, if any, unannounced, I see no occasion to depart from.

My opinion of the matter, ever since the death of the Marquis of Rockingham and the cecession of Mr. Fox, Burke, &c. has been uniformly the same; and no late European accounts that I have met with, has given me "cause to alter it—it is, that no Peace would take place

"before the meeting of the British Parliament; and that "then it would depend upon the influence of the Crown, "and strength of the contending Parties.-that previous "to the Session, the British Negociators would be em"ployed at Intrigue. In an investigation of powershearing propositions-and probing the intentions of the "Belligerent powers to the bottom-the latter being accomplished, the minister (Lord Shelburne) if he found "himself upon slippery ground,—or that the voice of the People was loud for peace, would inform the Parliament "that after many months in negociation such are the best "terms he can obtain-and as they involve consequences "of the greatest national concern, and have been the sub"ject of seven years war and debate-it now rests with "Parliament to accept them-or provide vigorously for "the prosecution of the war.-this places the matter upon "the broadest Basis-removes responsibility from his "door-and blunts the edge of opposition, which other"wise I am persuaded would be very keen.

"The King having by his Letters Patent (copy of which "I have seen) authorized Mr. Oswald to treat with any "Commissioner or Commissioners from the United States "of America, is certainly a great point gained; but it was "unavoidable on the part of England; as our Commissioners "would not enter upon business with Mr. Oswald with"out-and the Minister dared not to meet the Parliament "without having attempted something under the Peace "Bill which passed the Session before-Upon the whole I "am of opinion that the terms of Peace were agreed on "before the adjournment for the Christmas Hollidays,―or "that we shall have at least another Campaign. How well "the States are provided for the continuance of the war "let their acts and policy answer. The Army as usual is "without pay-and a great part of the Soldiery without

"shirts-and though the patience of them is equally thread'bare, the States seem perfectly indifferent to their cries"in a word, if one was to hazard for them an opinion upon "this subject, it would be that the Army had contracted "such a habit of encountering difficulties and distress"and of living without money, that it would be impolitic "and injurious to introduce other customs into it.”

What, my dear sir, could induce the State of Virginia to rescind its assent to the Impost Law? How are the numerous creditors of the public in civil life, and the Army to be paid if no regular and certain funds are established to discharge the Interest of Monies borrowed for these purposes? and what Tax can be more just or better calculated to answer the end than an Impost?-The alarm Bell, which has been rung with such a tremendous sound by the State of Rhode Island, to shew the danger of intrusting Congress with money, is too selfish and feutile to require a serious answer. Congress are in fact, the People-they return to them at certain short periods-are amenable at all times for their conduct-and subject to a recall at any moment. What interest therefore can a man have, under these circumstances distinct from his Constituents-can it be supposed, that with design, he would form a junto, or pernicious Aristocracy that would operate against himself; in less than a month perhaps, after it was established? I cannot conceive it,—but from the observations I have made in the course of this war (and my intercourse with the States in their United as well as seperate capacities has afforded ample opportunities of judging) I am decided in my opinion, that if the powers of Congress are not enlarged, and made competent to all general purposes, that the Blood which has been spilt-the expence that has been incurred-and the distresses which have been felt, will avail nothing; and that the band, already too weak, which holds

us together, will soon be broken; when anarchy and confusion will prevail.

I shall make no apology for the freedom of these sentiments-they proceed from an honest heart, altho' they may be the result of erroneous thinking,-they will at least prove the sincerity of my friendship, as they are altogether undisguised.

With the greatest esteem and regard,
I am, Dear Sir,

Y'r Most Obed't and

Affect'e H'ble Serv't,

His Excellency Gov. HARRISON.

G. WASHINGTON.

ARCHITECTURE IN VIRGINIA.

Mr. Editor,-You have asked me to give you a brief notice of the progress of Architecture in Virginia, as far as the subject has fallen under my own eye; and I will do so with much pleasure.

The first introduction of Architecture into Virginia after our Revolutionary War, was the erection of a new Capitol in the city of Richmond, begun, I believe about the year 1787, for which it is well known that Mr. Jefferson, then in France, furnished the model, being that of the celebrated Maison Quarreé of Nismes. This model is still preserved, in its original form, in the State Library, where it may be easily seen. In its general features, there is but little difference between the model and the building as it is; the main difference consists in the omission of the attic, or third story, with its windows, and the substitution of a basement story, less ornamental but more useful, and convenient for the public offices which it contains.