Ere yet perfidious Cromwell dar'd profane Why, though deriv'd from Neptune, though rever'd The sword entrusting, vainly deem'd, that wealth And zeal for knowledge; hence the opening mind To nilitary Rome: th' unalter'd will Resigns its errours, and unseals the eye With public cares is warm'd; thy merchants hence, 25 The act of navigation. 26 Queen Elizabeth was the first of our princes who gave any considerable encouragement to trade. 27 Sir John Barnard. Of Heaven in every climate hath ordain'd, That once again, in bright battalions rang'd, 28 Trebia, Trasimenus lacus, and Cannæ, famous for the victories gained by Hannibal over the Ro mans. 29 Helsinburgh, a small town in Schonen, celebrated for the victory which count Steinboch gained over the Danes with an army for the most part composed of Swedish peasants, who had never seen an enemy before: it is remarkable, that the defeated troops were as complete a body of regular forces as any in all Europe. 30 The London trained bands, and auxiliary regiments, (whose inexperience of danger, or any kind of service, beyond the easy practice of their postures in the Artillery Ground, had till then too cheap an estimation) behaved themselves to How their long-matchless cavalry, so oft For children, parents, friends, for England fir'd, Th' immense array; thus ev'n the lightest thought Shall dwell for ever on our chosen plains. To illustrate the following poem, to vindicate the subject from the censure of improbability, and to show by the concurring evidence of the best historians, that such disinterested public virtue did once exist, I have thought, it would not be improper to prefix the subsequent narration. While Darius, the father of Xerxes, was yet on the throne of Persia, Cleomenes and Demaratus were kings in Lacedæmon, both descended from Hercules. Demaratus was unfortunately exposed by an uncertain rumour, which rendered his legitimacy suspected, to the malice and treachery of his colleague, who had conceived a personal resentleaguement against him; for Cleomenes, taking advantage of this report, persuaded the Spartans to examine into the birth of Demaratus, and refer the difficulty to the oracle of Delphi; and was assisted in his perfidious designs by a near relation of Demaratus, named Leutychides, who aspired to succeed him in his dignity. Cleomenes found means to corrupt the priestess of Delphi, who declared Demaratus not legitimate. Thus, by the base practices of his colleague Cleomenes, and of his kinsman Leutychides, Demaratus was expelled wonder; and were, in truth, the preservation of that army that day. For they stood as a bulwark and rampire to defend the rest; and when their wings of horse were scattered and dispersed, kept their ground so steadily, that though prince Rupert himself led up the choice horse to charge millions of fighting men to this kingdom, may be them, and endured the storm of small shot, he relied on; it is not easy to conceive, how the could make no impression on their stand of pikes; united force of the whole world could assemble tobut was forced to wheel about. Clarend. book vii.gether, and subsist in an enemy's country greater page 347. numbers, than they would find opposed to them here. * If the computation, which allots near two Plutarch in his Laconic Apothegms reports, that from his regal office in the commonwealth, a La- | to fight till the last extremity. Xerxes, notwithcedæmonian, distinguished in action and counsel, standing, in the confidence of his power, sent amand the only king of Sparta, who, by obtaining the bassadors to the Grecians to demand their arms, to Olympic prize in the chariot-race, had increased bid them disperse, and become his friends and the lustre of his country. He went into voluntary allies; which proposals being received with disbanishment, and, retiring to Asia, was there pro-dain, he commanded the Medes and Cissians to tected by Darius; while Leutychides succeeded to seize on the Grecians, and bring them alive into the regal authority in Sparta. Upon the death of his presence. These nations immediately attacked Cleomenes, Leonidas became king, who ruled in the Grecians, and were soon repulsed with great conjunction with this Leutychides, when Xerxes, slaughter; fresh troops still succeeded; but with the son of Darius, invaded Greece. The number no better fortune than the first, being opposed to of land and naval forces which accompanied that an enemy not only superior in valour and resolumonarch, together with the servants, women, and tion, but who had the advantage of discipline, and other usual attendants on the army of an eastern were furnished with better arms both offensive and prince, amounted to upwards of five millions, as defensive. reported by Herodotus, who wrote within a few years after the event, and publicly recited his his-the Persian king offered to invest Leonidas with the tory at the Olympic games. In this general as- sovereignty of Greece, provided he would join his sembly not only from Greece itself, but from every arms to those of Persia. This offer was too consipart of the world, wherever a colony of Grecians derable a condescension to have been made before was planted, had he greatly exceeded the truth, he a trial of their force, and must therefore have been must certainly have been detected, and censured proposed by Xerxes after such a series of ill sucby some among so great a multitude; and such a cess, as might probably have depressed the insovoluntary falsehood must have entirely destroyed lence of his temper; and it may be easily adthat merit and authority, which have procured to mitted, that the virtue of Leonidas was proof Herodotus the veneration of ail posterity, with the against any temptations of that nature. Whether appellation of the Father of History. On the first this be a fact or not, thus much is certain, that news of this attempt on their liberty, a convention, Xerxes was reduced to extreme difficulties by this composed of deputies from the several states of resolute defence of Thermopyla; till he was extriGreece, was immediately held at the isthmus of cated from his distress by a Malian, named EpiCorinth to consult on proper measures for the pub-altes, who conducted twenty thousand of the Perlic safety. The Spartans also sent messengers to inquire of the oracle at Delphi into the event of the war, who returned with an answer from the priestess of Apollo, that either a king, descended from Hercules, must die, or Lacedæmon would be entirely destroyed. Leonidas immediately offered to sacrifice his life for the preservation of Lacedæmon; and, marching to Thermopyla, possessed himself of that important pass with three hundred of his countrymen; who, with the forces of some other cities in the Peloponnesus, together with the Thebans, Thespians, and the troops of those states which adjoined to Thermopyla, composed an army of near eight thousand men. sian army into Greece through a pass, which lay higher up the country among the mountains of Eta: whereas the passage at Thermopyla was situated on the a-shore between those mountains and the Malian bay. The defence of the upper pass had been committed to a thousand Phocians, who upon the first sight of the enemy inconsiderately abandoned their station, and put themselves in array upon a neighbouring eminence; but the Persians wisely avoided an engagement, and with the utmost expedition marched to Thermopylæ. Leonidas no sooner received information, that the barbarians had passed the mountains, and would soon be in a situation to surround him, than Xerxes was now advanced as far as Thessalia; he commanded the allies to retreat, reserving the when hearing, that a small body of Grecians was three hundred Spartans, and four hundred Theassembled at Thermopyla, with some Lacedæmo- bans, whom, as they followed him with reluctance nians at their head, and among the rest Leonidas, at first, he now compelled to stay. But the Thesa descendant of Hercules, he dispatched a single pians, whose number amounted to seven hundred, horseman before to observe their numbers, and dis- would not be persuaded by Leonidas to forsake cover their designs. When this horseman ap- him. Their commander was Demophilus, and the proached, he could not take a view of the whole most eminent amongst them for his valour was Dicamp, which lay concealed behind a rampart, for-thyrambus, the son of Harmatides. Among the merly raised by the Phocians at the entrance of Thermopyla on the side of Greece; so that his whole attention was engaged by those who were on guard before the wall, and who at that instant chanced to be the Lacedæmonians. Their manner and gestures greatly astonished the Persian. Some were amusing themselves in gymnastic exercises; others were combing their hair; and all discovered a total disregard of him, whom they suffered to depart, and report to Xerxes what he had seen: which appearing to that prince quite ridiculous, he sent for Demaratus, who was with him in the camp, and required him to explain this strange behaviour of his countrymen. Demaratus informed him, that it was a custom among the Spartans to comb down and adjust their hair, when they were determined Lacedæmonians the most conspicuous next to Leonidas was Dieneces, who being told, that the multitude of Persian arrows would obscure the Sun, replied, "the battle would then be in the shade." Two brothers, named Alpheus and Marón, are also recorded for their valour, and were Lacedæmonians. Megistias a priest, by birth an Acarnanian, and held in high honour at Sparta, refused to desert Leonidas, though entreated by him to consult his safety; but sent away his only son, and remained himself behind to die with the Lacedæmonians. Herodotus relates, that Leonidas drew up his men in the broadest part of Thermopyla; where, being encompassed by the Persians, they fell with great numbers of their enemies: but Plutarch, shall not all posterity reflect on the virtue of these men, as the object of imitation, who, though the loss of their lives was the necessary consequence of their undertaking, were yet unconquered in their spirit; and among all the great names, delivered down to remembrance, are the only heroes, who obtained more glory in their fall than others from the brightest victories? With justice may they be deemed the preservers of the Grecian liberty, even preferably to those, who were conquerors in the battles fought afterwards with Xerxes; for the memory of that valour, exerted in the defence of Thermopylæ, for ever dejected the barbarians, while the Greeks were fired with emulation to equal such a pitch of magnanimity. Upon the whole, there never were any before these, who attained to immortality through the mere excess of virtue; whence the praise of their fortitude hath not been recorded by historians only, but hath been celebrated by numbers of poets, among others by Simonides the lyric.' Pausanias, in his Laconics, considers the defence of Thermopyla by Leonidas, as an action superior to any achieved by his contemporaries, and to all the exploits of preceding ages. "Never," says he, "had Xerxes beheld Greece, and laid in ashes the city of Athens, had not his forces under Hydarnes been conducted through a path over mount Œta; and, by that means encompassing the Greeks, overcome and slain Leonidas." Nor is it improbable, that such a commander at the head of such troops should have maintained his post in so narrow a pass, till the whole army of Xerxes had perished by famine. At the same time his navy had been miserably shattered by a storm, and worsted in an engagement with the Athenians at Artemisium. Diodorus Siculus, and others, affirm, that the Grecians attacked the very camp of Xerxes in the night. Both these dispositions are reconcileable to probability. He might have made an attack on the Persian camp in the night, and in the morning withdrawn his forces back to Thermopylæ, where they would be enabled to make the most obstinate resistance, and sell their lives upon the dearest terins. The action is thus described by Diodorus. "The Grecians, having now rejected all thoughts of safety, preferring glory to life, unanimously called on their general to lead them against the Persians, before they could be apprised, that their friends had passed round the mountains. Leonidas embraced the occasion, which the ready zeal of his soldiers afforded, and commanded them forthwith to dine, as men, who were to sup in Elysium. Himself in consequence of this command took a repast, as the means to furnish strength for a long continuance, and to give perseverance in danger. After a short refreshment the Grecians were now prepared, and received orders to assail the enemies in their camp, to put all they met to the sword, and force a passage to the royal pavilion; when, formed into one compact body with Leonidas himself at their head, they marched against the Persians, and entered their camp at the dead of night. The barbarians, wholly unprepared, and blindly conjecturing, that their friends were defeated, and themselves attacked by the united power of Greece, hurry together from their tents with the utmost disorder and consternation. Many were slain by Leonidas and his party, but much greater multitudes by their own troops, to whom in the midst of this blind confusion they were not distinguishable from enemies: for, as night took away the power of discerning truly, and the tumult was spread universally over the camp, a prodigious slaughter must naturally ensue. The want of command, of a watch-word, and of confidence in themselves, reduced the Persians to such a state of confusion, that they destroyed each other without distinction. Had Xerxes continued in the royal pavilion, the Grecians without difficulty might have brought the war to a speedy conclusion by his death; but he at the beginning of the tumult betook himself to flight with the utmost precipitation; when the Grecians, rushing into the tent, put to the sword most of those who were left behind: then, while night lasted, they ranged through the I shall now detain the reader no longer, than to whole camp in diligent search of the tyrant. When take this public occasion of expressing my sincere morning appeared, the Persians, perceiving the regard for the lord viscount Cobham, and the sense true state of things, held the inconsiderable num- of my obligations for the early honour of his friendber of their enemies in contempt; yet were so ter- ship; to him I inscribe the following poem; and rified at their valour, that they avoided a near en- herein I should be justified, independent of all pergagement; but enclosing the Grecians on every sonal motives, from his lordship's public conduct, side, showered their darts and arrows upon them so highly distinguished by his disinterested zeal, at a distance, and in the end destroyed their whole and unshaken fidelity to his country, not less in body. In this manner fell the Grecians, who under civil life than in the field: to him therefore a the conduct of Leonidas defended the pass of Ther-poem, founded on a character eminent for military mopylæ. All must admire the virtue of these glory, and love of liberty, is due from the nature men, who with one consent, maintaining the post of the subject. allotted by their country, cheerfully renounced their lives for the common safety of Greece, and esteemed a glorious death more eligible than to 'live with dishonour. Nor is the consternation of the Persians incredible. Who among those barbarians could have conjectured such an event? Who could have expected, that five hundred men would have dared to attack a million? Wherefore To conclude, the fall of Leonidas and his brave companions, so meritorious to their country, and so glorious to themselves, hath obtained such a high degree of veneration and applause from passed ages, that few among the ancient compilers of history have been silent on this amazing instance of magnanimity, and zeal for liberty; and many are the epigrams and inscriptions now extant, some on the whole body, others on particulars, who died at Thermopyla, still preserving their memory in every nation conversant with learning, and at this distance of time still rendering their virtue the object of admiration and of praise. LEONIDAS. BOOK I. THE ARGUMENT. Xerxes, king of Persia, having drawn together the whole force of his empire, and passed over the Hellespont into Thrace with a design to conquer Greece; the deputies from the several states of that country, who had some time before assembled themselves at the isthmus of Corinth to deliberate on proper measures for resisting the invader, were no sooner apprised of his march into Thrace, than they determined without further delay to dispute his passage at the straits of Thermopyla, the most accessible part of Greece on the side of Thrace and Thessaly. Alpheus, one of the deputies from Sparta, repairs to that city, and communicates this resolution to his countrymen; who chanced that day to be assembled in expectation of receiving an answer from Apollo, to whom they had sent a messenger to consult about the event of the war. Leutychides, one of their two kings, counsels the people to advance no further than the isthmus of Corinth, which separates the Peloponnesus, where Lacedæmon was situated, from the rest of Greece; but Leonidas, the other king, dissuades them from it. Agis, the messenger, who had been deputed to Delphi, and brother to the queen of Leonidas, returns with the oracle; which denounces ruin to the Lacedæmonians, unless one of their kings lays down his life for the public. Leonidas offers himself for the victim. Three hundred more are appointed, all citizens of Sparta, and heads of families, to accompany and die with him at Thermopyla. Alpheus returns to the isthmus. Leonidas, after an interview with his queen, departs from Lacedæmon. At the end of six days he encamps near the isthmus, when he is joined by Alpheus; who describes the auxiliaries then waiting at the isthmus, those who are already possessed of Thermopyla, as also the pass itself; and concludes with relating the captivity of his brother Polydorus in Persia. THE virtuous Spartan, who resign'd his life The isthmian council hath decreed to guard Thermopylæ, the Locrian gate of Greece." Here Alpheus paus'd. Leutychides, who shar'd With great Leonidas the sway, uprose And spake. "Ye citizens of Sparta, hear. Why from her bosom should Laconia send Her valiant race to wage a distant war Beyond the isthmus? There the gods have plac'd Our native barrier. In this favour'd land, Which Pelops govern'd, us of Doric blood That isthmus inaccessible secures. There let our standards rest. Your solid strength Remote and feeble, you betray your own, If once you scatter in defence of states And merit Jove's derision." With assent The Spartans heard. Leonidas reply'd. "O most ungen'rous counsel! Most unwise! Shall we, confining to that isthmian fence Our efforts, leave beyond it ev'ry state Disown'd, expos'd? Shall Athens, while her fleets Unceasing watch th' innumerable foes, And trust th' impending dangers of the field To Sparta's well-known valour, shall she hear, That to barbarian violence we leave Her unprotected walls? Her hoary sires, Her helpless matrons, and their infant race To servitude and shaine? Her guardian gods Will yet preserve them. Neptune o'er his main With Pallas, pow'r of wisdom, at their helms Will soon transport them to a happier clime, Safe from insulting foes, from false allies, And eleutherian Jove will bless their flight. Then shall we feel the unresisted force Of Persia's navy, deluging our plains With inexhausted numbers. Half the Greeks, By us betray'd to bondage, will support A Persian lord, and lift th' avenging spear For our destruction. But, my friends, reject Such mean, such dang'rous counsels, which would blast Your long-establish'd honours, and assist The proud invader. O eternal king Of gods and mortals, elevate our minds! Each low and partial passion thence expe!! Greece is our gen'ral mother. All must join In her defence, or sep'rate each must fall." This said, authority and shame controll'd The mute assembly. Agis too appear'd. He from the Delphian cavern was return'd, Where, taught by Phoebus on Parnassian cliffs, The Pythian maid unfolded Heav'n's decrees. He came; but discontent and grief o'ercast His anxious brow. Reluctant was his tongue, Yet seem'd full charg'd to speak. Religious dread Each heart relax'd. On ev'ry visage hung Sad expectation. Not a whisper told The silent fear. Intensely all were fix'd, All still, as death, to hear the solemn tale. As o'er the western waves, when ev'ry storm Is hush'd within its cavern, and a breeze, Soft-breathing, lightly with its wings along The slacken'd cordage glides, the sailor's ear Perceives no sound throughout the vast expanse; None, but the murmurs of the sliding prow, Which slowly parts the smooth and yielding main: So through the wide and list'ning crowd no sound, No voice, but thine, O Agis, broke the air; While thus the issue of thy awful charge Thy lips deliver'd. "Spartans, in your name I went to Delphi. I inquir'd the doom |