his strictures on ladies in general and yet be as fond of particular women as those who apply no language to them but that of approbation or admiration. But we think it will be generally admitted that none who really love the sex would be in favor of a community of wives. Men of strong affections for the sex are proverbially jealous even when they have no real cause; it is only those that are nearly as indifferent to the charms of women as they are to those of men who could entertain for a moment the idea of a common property in wives and children, as recommended by Diogenes. This, indeed, was one of his weak points, but before we condemn him for it, after acquitting him of being the scandalous libertine which he is represented by his enemies, let us bear in mind that the divine Plato was an advocate of the same doctrine, and that accordingly, from his time to the present, a sentimental regard between the sexes which has scarcely the warmth of even ordinary friendship between men has been called "Platonic love."

Various works, no longer extant, are attributed to Diogenes; several dialogues entitled Cephalion, Icthyas, Garaculus, The Panther, The Athenian People, Government, The Science of Manners, Riches, Aristarchus on Death, etc. In addition to these, seven tragedies are attributed to him, together with a large series of letters. Some deny that he was the author of all these; but all the ancient authors credit him with the authorship of several valuable and learned works.

Various accounts are given of the manner in which he died, but all that is certain on the subject is that he was at least ninety years old at the time of his death. Athenæus, who has vilified him in every other way, has also represented that he committed suicide; but this would have been entirely contrary to his teachings through life, and to the unquestionable heroism of his character. One who battled as he did with the world for more than sixty years was not likely to commit suicide at ninety.

But whatever was the manner of his death, the highest honors were paid to his memory: It was deemed such a sacred privilege to inter him in a suitable manner, that a violent dispute arose between his numerous friends, which was only terminated by the magistrates ordering his burial at the public

expense. A magnificent tomb having been prepared for him, it was adorned by a column of Parian marble, terminating in the figure of a dog, the philosopher having always been proud of being compared to that courageous and faithful animal. His fellow-citizens were not pleased, however, until they dedicated to him a statue of their own, the work of the greatest artist of his time, and had the following inscription engraved on it: "Time corrodes brass; but thy glory, O Diogenes! will endure throughout all ages; for thou alone hast taught mortals to rely on themselves; thou hast pointed out to them the easiest way to happiness.”*

More than two thousand years have passed since the original of this epitaph was written, as transcribed at the bottom of the page. We boast of having made vast improvements since that time; but how many modern cities or governments inscribe such epitaphs on such statues to honor the memory of their great thinkers, overlooking the faults, and taking account only of the virtues, of the benefactors of mankind?

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ART. II. Diplomatic Correspondence, Protocols, and other Documents. Paris, Athens, and Constantinople. 1868-9.

THE present Sultan of Turkey is an element in his own government, and in that respect does not resemble his late brother and predecessor, who, in 1853-4, resisted almost the whole authority of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe before he would declare war. Since the accession of Abdul Asiz, no foreign diplomatist can flatter himself with having guided the general tactics of the Divan, of which the sovereign head, with his fits of fierce energy and his gloomy and abrupt seclusion at times, reminds one of Sultan Mahmoud of old. Armed intervention, prompt and powerful, was imperial policy, which, not long ago, frightened Prince Charles and the Roumans from their designs upon Bulgaria, and caused the downfall of the aggressive

Bratiano ministry of Roumania, deceitful and contemptuous toward the Turkish cabinet; and the vigor of the Sultan might have led to rashness, strange as it may appear, but for the wise guidance of his prime minister. Fuad Pasha was the one man near him who could in part control the wild outbreaks of the Sultan, but Fuad has just died in Italy. Among those left at Constantinople, hardly one of his ministers dares to tell his master an unwelcome truth, for however insignificant the ruler of Turkey may appear to Europeans and Americans, at home he is a potentate into whose presence his courtiers enter with awe and respect.

Mussulman and Christian have cause to complain of his sway, perhaps, but equally. The Mussulman, in fact, says that he is worse off than his neighbor; for the Christian pays his taxes and sits at home, whilst the Mussulman pays his taxes and is subject to the inexorable conscription. The Christian subjects of the Porte, the great majority of whom are of the Slavonic race, have, nevertheless, obtained a political equality, and, day by day, are gaining an intellectual independence. In the European provinces the fusion of the Christian and Mussulman populations is being tried on a large scale and with the best chances of success; men of the same race and language, but divided in religion, are fast learning to live in perfect accord, as the old traditions of domination of one sect and subservience on the part of others are passing away. It is only necessary to read the official reports of the British consuls, and the statements of resident foreign traders, to know that the conditions of well-being and continuous improvement exist in all but the remotest parts of the Turkish empire, savage and benighted as are the whole Ottoman people often supposed to be.

Crete, the cradle of that civilization which was brought to Europe by the Phoenicians and Egyptians, whilst Homer lived, was crowded with inhabitants and flourishing cities, and repelled all foreign aggression during ten centuries, until subdued by the Romans some sixty years before Christ. It lost its reputation about the same time, and to Cretanize with a Cretan, in those days was a proverb meaning to fight him with his own weapons--to lie to him. The Turks conquered Crete

in 1669, and when Greece was constituted a state, in 1829-30, the nations of Europe, which guaranteed the independence of the Hellenic kingdom, formally placed Crete under the domination of the Porte, to which it at present belongs as indisputably as the Morea belongs to King George of Greece.

England and France, at the termination of the Greek war of independence, now nearly forty years ago, were divided, as to the disposition of Crete, between their fear of too far weakening Turkey and their desire to rescue a Christian population from what was then an intolerable yoke. The West had been all enthusiasm for insurgent Greece, although European diplomatists well knew that the Greek revolution had been. instigated by Russia, where the Hetasia, or secret society directing it, held its chief sittings. Russian armies, in anticipation of a reduced resistance, were already encroaching upon Turkish soil and had even reached Adrianople-so Crete was left to Turkey. The late King of the Belgians, then Prince Leopold, instigated by that partisan of the Czar, Capo d'Istria, urged that Greece should have Crete; but among other statesmen the Greeks had not inspired a confidence in keeping with the popular ardor which their cause had awakened across the Continent. After the battle of Navarino, which ended the contest, the most conspicuous domestic feature presented by Greece was furious hatred of native factions one against another, which, before the throne was disposed of, broke out into civil war. Crete, which contained two fifths Mohammedans in its population, had only half agreed to the revolution, and a great Philhellene, Lord Aberdeen himself, was opposed to the plan of Prince Leopold. The Russian-Hellenic policy, the western powers did not believe confined to Crete alone, but as having in view the most valuable part of the Turkish empire. Even had the Sultan abandoned Crete to Greece, they foresaw that that would not suffice to obtain quiet and security for Turkey.

In what precedes will be found, in part at least, the explanation of that friendly interest which the Greeks and Cretans, in their troubles, have, of late years, always found ready at hand throughout Europe-a fancied injustice perpetrated forty years ago by the allies of Greece, to whom, by the way,

she has since owed every thing. Crete, or the island of Candia, has at present 350,000 inhabitants, about half and half Mohammedan and Christian, and half and half joined in the administration of the local government.

The abrupt resolution'of the council of the Sultan to stamp out the last spark of the late Cretan movement, by turning round at last to those who supplied the combustible material, startled Europe in the beginning of last December. The world was gradually forgetting the Moslem and the Cretan; from time to time telegrams appeared giving accounts of "another bloody engagement," between the Turks and the patriots, or Greeks, it is true; but Europe and America seemed to know tolerably well how to receive such warlike news. Messages from Mr. Skinner, and reports printed by Greek consuls on either side of the Atlantic, fell to the ground almost unnoticed. But now, all of a sudden, Turkey, who had been denying the existence of anything like an insurrection in Candia for the past twelve months, fiercely accosts King George and summons him and his subjects to desist in their unneighborly prac tices of instigating and protecting a rebellion in the island. Such a course Greece was accused of having pursued for two years or more, unchecked by the remonstrances of Turkey to the three protecting powers of Greece-Russia, France, and England-until the Porte finally determined to redress her grievances herself.

Not only had the Greeks, according to Ottoman statements, been enrolling men and fitting out blockade runners, destined almost avowedly to stimulate the Cretan revolt from the time that revolt began, but the prime minister of Greece, who at the same time is minister of the interior, M. Bulgaris, catering for popularity which he was sadly in want of, and believing himself safe under the wings of the protecting powers, had latterly, it was declared, openly patronized systematic attacks upon the dominions of the Turk, with whom his sovereign was ostensibly at peace. A large corps of volunteers, armed and paid at the public expense, who proclaimed Crete to be their destination, paraded the streets of Athens a short time since, and their leader, Petropoulakes, who has been conspicuous in the Cretan fights, and who held a commission in the Greek