صور الصفحة
PDF
النشر الإلكتروني

"Inhabitants of Paris! The allied armies are under your walls. The object of their march to the capital of France, is founded on the hope of a sincere and durable pacification with. her. For twenty years Europe has been deluged with blood

tion to that Government, it could not be inopportune to advert to the state of our commercial relations with that Power. And he must say, from what he was taught to believe, this country was, as to those relations, in a state rather remote from a very cordial amity with Spain. The British merchants were not alone treated with severity, but with a caprice the most destructive to the continuance of a commercial intercourse. In the export of cotton goods, one of our principal articles, we were met with a total prohibition. Although he lamented that circumstance, he was still ready to admit that such prohibition could not form the ground of any hostile remonstrance. Woollens and linens were most highly taxed, but in respect to our iron trade, the duties on which were augmented in a proportion of 110 per cent. on the value, changes the most sudden were so frequently introduced, that the British merchant had no previous notice, until his vessel entered the ports of that country, although, according to the ancient usage, six months' notice of these changes were given. There were, indeed, instances where cargoes just arrived found a rate of duty so different from what they had a right to expect, that time was not allowed to prevent shipments made on their faith. It was of the first consideration-of the very essence of commercial intercourse, that regulations affecting it should never be clandestine. He wished therefore to know, whether up to the present period, any representations had been made to the Spanish Government relative to these severities and restrictions, and whether any modification might be

expected in the commercial tariff between the two countries?

"Lord Castlereagh felt a difficulty on the distinct proposition before the House, to hazard a premature explanation on the complicated question of our commercial intercourse with Spain. He sincerely lamented the continuance in that country of those erroneous principles of commerce which were happily exploded in our own. Some indulgence ought, however, to be extended to that error, when it was recollected that for a succession of years those principles were cherished in this country in their fullest vigour, and how long we ourselves had been reaping the bitter fruits of such a policy. Every endeavour had been made to awaken Spain to the adoption of a more enlightened and prosperous system, but he was sorry to add that, from their attachment to a code of restrictions and high duties, no great progress had yet been made in that desirable pursuit. With regard to the cotton trade, the admission it had for some time received was a relaxation from the former usage, and therefore the prohibition must be considered as a return to the standard laid down in former treaties, such as it was in the year 1792. The truth was, that we ourselves were embarrassed in our mercantile relations with foreign countries, by our own prohibitive code. Still representations as strong as he felt assured the honourable member would wish were made by his Majesty's Government, and nothing would be left untried to convince foreign nations that the freest and most unrestricted intercourse was the certain means to reciprocal advantage. We should, however,

and tears. Every attempt to put an end to these calamities has proved vain; for this reason, that in the very government which oppresses you, there has been found an insurmountable obstacle to peace. Who among you is not convinced of this truth? The Allied Sovereigns desire to find in France a beneficent government, which shall strengthen her alliance with all nations; and, therefore, in the present circumstances, it is the duty of Paris to hasten the general pacification. We await the expression of your opinion, with a degree of impatience proportioned to the mighty consequences which must result from your deliberation. The preservation of your city and of your tranquillity, shall be the object of the prudent measures which the Allies will not fail to take, in concert with such of your authorities as enjoy the general confidence. Troops shall not be quartered on you. Such are the sentiments with which Europe, arrayed before your walls, now addresses you. Hasten to justify her confidence in your patriotism and prudence."

To these professions, indeed, it must be owned, that subsequent events exhibit but a melancholy contrast; but this affords no ground for despair in future. An instructive lesson has been given to the governed as well as to their governors, and in the course of another century, the latter may find it expedient to carry into practical effect those principles to which they have already been forced to give the solemn sanction of their theoretical authority.

recollect, that at no very remote period, that restrictive system was as strictly exercised between two parts of our own empire, Great Britain and Ireland, as between this kingdom and any foreign

nation.

"Mr. Lyttelton expressed his high satisfaction at the sound and enlightened views of the Noble Lord, and he hailed their annunciation as propitious

to the commercial interests of the country. He trusted they would be acted upon in the Councils of the nation, as soon as was compatible with the public expediency. What he had principally complained of, in regard to Spain, was the capricious manner in which the change of duties without notification was made.”—Morning Chronicle, 12th February 1818.

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

THE chief purpose of these Notes and Illustrations, is to verify some of the more important views contained in the foregoing Historical Sketch. The errors into which I have frequently been led by trusting to the information of writers, who, in describing philosophical systems, profess to give merely the general results of their researches, unauthenticated by particular references to the original sources, have long convinced me of the propriety, on such occasions, of bringing under the eye of the reader, the specific authorities on which my statements proceed. Without such a check, the most faithful historian is perpetually liable to the suspicion of accommodating facts to his favourite theories; or of unconsciously blending with the opinions he ascribes to others, the glosses of his own imagination. The quotations in the following pages, selected principally from books not now in general circulation, may, I hope, at the same time, be useful in facilitating the labours of those who shall hereafter resume the same subject, on a scale more susceptible of the minuteness of literary detail.

For a few short biographical digressions, with which I have endeavoured to give somewhat of interest and relief to the abstract and unattractive topics which occupy so great a part of my Discourse, I flatter myself that no apology is necessary; more especially, as these digressions will in general be found to throw some additional light on the philosophical or the political principles of the individuals to whom they relate.

TO DISSERTATION, PART FIRST.-NOTES FROM A TO R.

NOTE A, p. 28.

Sir Thomas More, though towards the close of his life, he became " a persecutor even unto blood, defiling with cruelties those hands which were never polluted with bribes;" was, in his earlier and better days, eminently distinguished by the humanity of his temper, and the liberality of his opinions. Abundant proofs of this may be collected from his Letters to Erasmus; and from the sentiments, both religious and political, indirectly inculcated in his Utopia. In contempt for the

VOL. I.

1 Burnet.

2 L

ignorance and profligacy of the monks, he was not surpassed by his correspondent; and against various superstitions of the Romish church, such as the celibacy of priests, and the use of images in worship, he has expressed himself more decidedly than could well have been expected from a man placed in his circumstances. But these were not the whole of his merits. His ideas on Criminal Law are still quoted with respect by the advocates for a milder code than has yet been introduced into this country; and on the subject of toleration, no modern politician has gone farther than his Utopian Legislators.

The disorders occasioned by the rapid progress of the Reformation, having completely shaken his faith in the sanguine speculations of his youth, seem at length, by alarming his fears as to the fate of existing establishments, to have unhinged his understanding, and perverted his moral feelings. The case was somewhat the same with his friend Erasmus, who, as Jortin remarks, "began in his old days to act the zealot and the missionary with an ill grace, and to maintain, that there were certain heretics who might be put to death as blasphemers and rioters," (pp. 428, 481.) In the mind of Erasmus, other motives, it is not improbable, concurred; his biographer and apologist being forced to acknowledge, that "he was afraid lest Francis, and Charles, and Ferdinand, and George, and Henry VIII., and other persecuting princes, should suspect that he condemned their cruel conduct."-Ibid. p. 481.

Something, it must at the same time be observed, may be alleged in behalf of these two illustrious persons: not, indeed, in extenuation of their unpardonable defection from the cause of religious liberty, but of their estrangement from some of their old friends, who scrupled not to consider as apostates and traitors all those who, while they acknowledged the expediency of ecclesiastical reform, did not approve of the violent measures employed for the accomplishment of that object. A very able and candid argument on this point may be found in Bayle, Article Castellan, Note Q.

[blocks in formation]

The following short extract will serve to convey a general idea of Calvin's argument upon the subject of usury.

"Pecunia non parit pecuniam. Quid mare? quid domus, ex cujus locatione pensionem percipio? an ex tectis et parietibus argentum proprie nascitur? Sed et terra producit, et mari advehitur quod pecuniam deinde producat, et habitationis commoditas cum certa pecunia parari commutarive solet. Quod si igitur plus ex negotiatione lucri percipi possit, quam ex fundi cujusvis proventu: an feretur qui fundum sterilem fortasse colono locaverit ex quo mercedem vel proventum recipiat sibi, qui ex pecunia fructum aliquem perceperit, non feretur? et qui pecunia fundum acquirit, annon pecunia illa generat alteram annuam pecuniam? Unde vero mercatoris lucrum? Ex ipsius, inquies, diligentia atque industria. Quis dubitat pecuniam vacuam inutilem omnino esse? neque qui a me mutuam rogat, vacuam apud se habere a me acceptam cogitat. Non ergo ex pecunia illa lucrum accedit, sed ex proventu. Illæ igitur rationes subtiles quidem sunt, et speciem quandam habent, sed ubi propius expenduntur, reipsa concidunt. Nunc igitur concludo, judicandum de usuris esse, non ex particulari aliquo Scripturæ loco, sed tantum ex æquitatis regula."-Calvini Epistolæ.

« السابقةمتابعة »