CHAP. 1.] OBLIGATIONS OF THE MORAL LAW. 241 are of great magnitude the laws of the Deity are not to be observed! It is all very well, it seems, to observe them in little matters, but for our more important concerns we want rules commensurate with their dignity, -we cannot then be bound by the laws of God! The next reason is, that we cannot foresee "the future conduct" of a nation.--Neither can we that of an individual. Besides this, inability to foresee inculcates the very lesson that we ought to observe the laws of Him who can foresee. It is a strange thing to urge the limitation of our powers of judgment as a reason for substituting it for the judgment of Him whose powers are perfect. Then "patriotism" is a reason; and we are to be patriotic to our country at the expense of treason to our religion! The principles upon which these reasonings are founded lead to their legitimate results: "In war and negotiation," says Adam Smith, "the laws of justice are very seldom observed. Truth and fair dealing are almost totally disregarded. Treaties are violated, and the violation, if some advantage is gained by it, sheds scarce any dishonour upon the violator. The ambassador who dupes the minister of a foreign nation is admired and applauded. The just man, the man who in all private transactions would be the most beloved and the most esteemed, in those public transactions is regarded as a fool and an idiot, who does not understand his business; and he incurs always the contempt, and sometimes even the detestation, of his fellow-citizens."* Now, against all such principles,-against all endeavours to defend the rejection of the moral law in political affairs, we would with all emphasis protest. The reader sees that it is absurd: can he need to be convinced that it is unchristian? Christianity is of paramount authority, or another authority is superior. He who holds another authority as superior rejects Christianity; and the fair and candid step would be avowedly to reject it. He should say, in distinct terms-Christianity throws some light on political principles; but its laws are to be held subservient to our interests. This were far more satisfactory than the trimming system, the perpetual vacillation of obedience to two masters, and the perpetual endeavour to do that which never can be done-serve both. Jesus Christ legislated for man,-not for individuals only, not for families only, not for Christian churches only, but for man in all his relationships and in all his circumstances. He legislated for states. In his moral law we discover no indications that states were exempted from its application, or that any rule which bound social did not bind political communities. If any exemption were designed, the onus probandi rests upon those who assert it: unless they can show that the Christian precepts are not intended to apply to nations, the conclusion must be admitted that they are. But in reality, to except nations from the obligations is impossible; for nations are composed of individuals, and if no individual may reject the Christian morality, a nation may not. Unless, indeed, it can be shown that when you are an agent for others you may do what neither yourself nor any of them might do separately, a proposition of which certainly the proof must be required to be very clear and strong. But the truth is that those who justify a suspension of Christian morality in political affairs are often unwilling to reason distinctly and * Theory of Moral Sentiments. Q 240 NATIONS NOT EXEMPTED FROM THE with power. The statesman who promotes this improveme That peo III. "POLITICAL POWER IS RIGHTLY EXERCISED THE WELFARE OF THE COMMUNITY BY LAW PERMITS." [E OBLIGATIONS OF T magnitude the laws of the Deity are it seems, to observe them in little man of treason to our religion! Concerns we want rules commensurate with the be bound by the laws of God! The next reason ought to observe the laws of Him who can foreal. Besides this, inability to foresee inculcates ting it for the judgment of Him whose powers to urge the limitation of our powers of judgee "the future conduct" of a nation.-Neither can sm" is a reason; and we are to be patriotic se reasonings are founded lead to their are violated, and the violation, if endeavours to defend Aber authority tamount author can he need to We would with all would be It has been said by a Christian writer but a particular application of that of a writer who rejected Christianity, govern the conduct of individuals If there be truth in the, same. first of these Essays, these prop perhaps, few of those wh deny it in terms. With much self-contradiction by sho strictr Chri mu of is equally as well as wrong. pon? When shall we .worthy policy, and dare the When shall we, in political ndence in the knowledge and protecuy to admire in individual life?-Not that that such fidelity would cost nothing. Chrispromise. But, whatever it might cost, it would be And neither reason nor experience allows the hful adherence to the moral law would more effectually al interests, than they have ever yet been served by the gacity while violating that law. d. contrivances of expediency have become so habitual to measures state, that it may probably be thought the dreamings of a visionary to uppose it possible that they should be substituted by purity of rectitude. And yet I believe it will eventually be done, not perhaps by the resolution of a few cabinets, it is not from them that reformation is to be expected, but by the gradual advance of sound principles upon the minds of men; principles which will assume more and more their rightful influence in the world, until at length the low contrivances of a fluctua Fell's Memoirs of the Public Life of C. J. Fox. policy will be substituted by firm, and consistent, and what is called the Holy Alliance was an extraordi's the contracting parties may have acted in conas they or their people were prepared for such sa subject of satisfaction that such a state estimony at least to virtue and to rectitude; it to be utterly hypocritical, the testimony monly affects a character which it ought risy is homage to the character. In satisfaction that a document exists inces have come to a "fixed resoir respective states and in their rnment, to take for their sole -the precepts of justice, 'ares that these principles, ns, must have an immeng the only means of ir imperfections." a declaration will are actually govphilosopher and the .deavour to accelerate its a fame for himself that will of man holds its onward course, of past ages and of the present, will nan examples to stimulate us. OBLIGATIONS OF THE MORAL LAW. 241 rns we want rules commensurate with their dignity, seems, to observe them in little matters, but for our nitude the laws of the Deity are not to be observed! I and by the laws of God! jdes this, inability to foresee inculcates judgment of Him whose ; and we are to be religion! powers patriotic Adam Smith, "the violation, if upon the founded lead to their fair dealing are nation yate GHAPTER II. CIVIL LIBERTY. Or personal liberty we say nothing, because its full possession is in compatible with the existence of society. All government supposes the relinquishment of a portion of personal liberty. Civil liberty may however be fully enjoyed. It is enjoyed where the principles of political truth and rectitude are applied in practice, because there the people are deprived of that portion only of liberty which it would be pernicious to themselves to possess. If political power is possessed by consent of the community,-if it is exercised only for their good,—and if this welfare is consulted by Christian means, the people are free. No man can define the particular enjoyments or exemptions which constitute civil liberty, because they are contingent upon the circumstances of the respective nations. A degree of restraint may be necessary for the general welfare of one community, which would be wholly unnecessary in another. Yet the first would have no reason to complain of their want of civil liberty. The complaint, if any be made, should be of the evils which make the restraint necessary. The single quesi 242 DEVIATION FROM RECTITUDE IMPOLITIC. [ESSAY III. candidly upon the subject. They satisfy themselves with a jest, or a sneer, or a shrug; being unwilling either to contemn morality in politics, or to practise it: and it is to little purpose to offer arguments to him who does not need conviction but virtue. Expediency is the rock upon which we split,-upon which, strange as it appears, not only our principles but our interests suffer continual shipwreck. It has been upon expediency that European politics have so long been founded, with such lamentably inexpedient effects. We consult our interests so anxiously that we ruin them. But we consult them blindly: we do not know our interests, nor shall we ever know them while we continue to imagine that we know them better than He who legislated for the world. Here is the perpetual folly as well as the perpetual crime. Esteeming ourselves wise, we have, emphatically, been fools,-of which no other evidence is necessary than the present political condition of the Christian world. If ever it was true of any human being, that by his deviations from rectitude ho had provided scourges for himself, it is true at this hour of every nation in Europe. Let us attend to this declaration of a man who, whatever may have been the value of his general politics, was certainly a great statesman here: "I am one of those who firmly believe, as much indeed as a man can believe any thing, that the greatest resource a nation can possess, the surest principle of power, is strict attention to the principles of justice. I firmly believe that the common proverb of honesty being the best policy is as applicable to nations as to individuals.”—“ In all interference with foreign nations justice is the best foundation of policy, and moderation is the surest pledge of peace."—"If therefore we have been deficient in justice towards other states, we have been deficient in wisdom."* Here, then, is the great truth for which we would contend,—to be unjust is to be unwise. And since justice is not imposed upon nations more really than other branches of the moral law, the universal maxim is equally true, to deviate from purity of rectitude is impolitic as well as wrong. When will this truth be learned, and be acted upon? When shall we cast away the contrivances of a low and unworthy policy, and dare the venture of the consequences of virtue? When shall we, in political affairs, exercise a little of that confidence in the knowledge and protec tion of God which we are ready to admire in individual life ?—Not that it is to be assumed as certain that such fidelity would cost nothing. Christianity makes no such promise. But, whatever it might cost, it would be worth the purchase. And neither reason nor experience allows the doubt that a faithful adherence to the moral law would more effectually serve national interests, than they have ever yet been served by the utmost sagacity while violating that law. The contrivances of expediency have become so habitual to measures of state, that it may probably be thought the dreamings of a visionary to suppose it possible that they should be substituted by purity of rectitude. And yet I believe it will eventually be done,-not perhaps by the resolu tion of a few cabinets,-it is not from them that reformation is to be expected, but by the gradual advance of sound principles upon the minds of men; principles which will assume more and more their rightful influence in the world, until at length the low contrivances of a fluctua Fell's Memoirs of the Public Life of C. J. Fox. CHAP. 2.] CIVIL LIBERTY. 243 ting and immoral policy will be substituted by firm, and consistent, and invariable integrity. The convention of what is called the Holy Alliance was an extraordinary event; and little as the contracting parties may have acted in conformity with it, and little as they or their people were prepared for such a change of principles, it is a subject of satisfaction that such a state paper exists. It contains a testimony at least to virtue and to rectitude; and even if we should suppose it to be utterly hypocritical, the testimony is just as real. Hypocrisy commonly affects a character which it ought to maintain; and the act of hypocrisy is homage to the character. In this view, I say, it is subject of some satisfaction that a document exists which declares that these powerful princes have come to a "fixed resolution, both in the administration of their respective states and in their political relations with every other government, to take for their sole guide the precepts of the Christian religion, the precepts of justice, Christian charity, and peace:" and which declares that these principles, "far from being applicable only to private concerns, must have an immediate influence on the councils of princes, as being the only means of consolidating human institutions, and remedying their imperfections." The time, it may be hoped, will arrive when such a declaration will be the congenial and natural result of principles that are actually governing the Christian world. Meantime, let the philosopher and the statesman keep that period in their view, and endeavour to accelerate its approach. He who does this will secure a fame for himself that will increase and still increase as the virtue of man holds its onward course, while multitudes of the great, both of past ages and of the present, will become beacons to warn rather than examples to stimulate us. CHAPTER II. CIVIL LIBERTY. Or personal liberty we say nothing, because its full possession is in compatible with the existence of society. All government supposes the relinquishment of a portion of personal liberty. Civil liberty may however be fully enjoyed. It is enjoyed where the principles of political truth and rectitude are applied in practice, because there the people are deprived of that portion only of liberty which it would be pernicious to themselves to possess. If political power is possessed by consent of the community,-if it is exercised only for their good, and if this welfare is consulted by Christian means, the people are free. No man can define the particular enjoyments or exemptions which constitute civil liberty, because they are contingent upon the circumstances of the respective nations. A degree of restraint may be necessary for the general welfare of one community, which would be wholly unnecessary in another. Yet the first would have no reason to complain of their want of civil liberty. The complaint, if any be made, should be of the evils which make the restraint necessary. The single quesi |