lised; yet I take a pleasure in the recollection of them, which is perhaps rendered more pure by their disappointment. It chastens the spirit into mildness and resignation, reconciles it to the world, and induces it again to hope. No situation could be more congenial to such musings than the one in which I was now placed. I beheld the very point where I was wont to come first in sight of home, when I returned from school on the Saturday afternoons; and at which, home again disappeared from view on my departure. Often, especially in the season of autumn, I had wandered, heedless of an aim, among the hills and over the heathy moors that now lay extended around me. I arose, and strayed almost instinctively to the summit of one of the nearest mountains. I had stood a hundred times on the self-same spot. It was a beautiful afternoon. Ridges of hills, whose tops were covered with heather in full bloom, and their sides with green pasture, stretched away into the lowlands. As far as the eye could reach, the country was spotted with fields of corn, which appeared beneath the beaming sun to be in reality golden. Here and there villages were marked out by the little patches of land around them, kything of diverse colours, according to the crops which they produced; and the smoke floated in curling columns, through the still atmosphere, above the cottages and farm-steadings. On one hand a river flowed on, broad and full, through rich parks and corn-lands; and on the other it winded away among the uplands, sending off along the lesser vallies, numberless streams, that warped themselves, as it were, round every portion of the soil, to moisten it for the good of man: the bright sun shone upon their clear waters, and diffused light and life over the face of the whole land. I breathed the pure air of heaven. Not a sound was heard, and no winds were abroad to disturb the repose of creation. In the morning of my life, under the influence of the feelings which this very scene excited, I had first formed the wish that I might, in some way, become useful to my native Scotland. While the gray gloaming crept over the level country and along the bottoms of the glens, I began to descend from the hills, and this wish was revived with new ardour in my bosom. T. THE ROSE-BUD. DEEP in the wood where a rose-bud grew, I saw it steep'd with the morning's dew; In the nook of a sheltering rock it hung, Half hid from the day-light, modest and young: The noon-day came, and the deep blue sky Was calm, and the sun shone bright and high; The warm air woo'd its leaves to expand, And it bloom'd the bonniest flower in the land. But the sick'ning drought so fierce prevail'd, That it droop'd on its stalk, for the moisture fail'd, Till the heavens sent down a cooling shower, And it scented anew the summer bower; Its leaves sprung fresher than before, A maiden, lovely and young, came by, 66 But, long before the fall of even, "Tis winter now, and the sod is laid On the grave of that young and lovely maid; A wooer came, and with cruel art He won her love, and broke her heart : bloom. H. OBSERVATIONS ON REMARKS ON THE FLORA SCOTICA OF DR HOOKER." MR EDITOR, I REQUEST permission to offer, through the medium of your Magazine, a few observations on a paper contained in the last number of the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal, and entitled, Remarks on the Flora Scotica of Dr Hooker. This anonymous paper is neither more nor less than a review of Dr Hooker's work. The author is evidently only to a certain degree acquainted, even with the Linnean system of botany; as to the natural orders, he must be altogether a stranger to them, otherwise he would certainly, after having criticised, in rather a captious manner, the first part of the Flora Scotica, have entered somewhat into the merits of the second part, which, for judgment, accuracy, and patient investigation, do Dr Hooker and Mr Lindley infinite credit. I shall now proceed to follow the author very briefly through a few of his principal objections to the Flora Scotica. His first complaint (No. XI. p. 146. Phil. Jour.) is, that the genera and species are given at length in the natural, as well as the artificial arrangement; or, allowing, as he says, that the genera might be retained in the second part, "little doubt is to be entertained about the impropriety of a repetition of specific characters, or even of specific names, they being in na respect different from those used in the artificial method." This objection could only have been advanced by one who had no wish to study the natural system. Dr Hooker has evidently constructed the second part of his Flora with a view of encouraging the study of the most beautiful and most philosophical part of botanical science; and the facility he has thus presented to the student is most obvious. The Flora has been so arranged, that it may be divided into two parts, each of which forms a pocket-volume. The student may take his choice between the two systems; and every one, although ignorant of the subject, must allow, that the part containing our complete Flora, naturally arranged, must be far more encouraging to the learner, than if it had been tacked, in the form of a mere skeleton, to the end of the artificial method. His next cause of censure is Dr Hooker's “predilection for synoptical arrangement;" and "the grasses," he asserts, one of the most perplex 66 ing to the beginner of the natural tribes, are arranged with a degree of division and subdivision that cannot fail to puzzle the novice who has not a turn for the minutiae of arrangement." In answer to this objection, it is sufficient to observe, that where a subject is perplexing, minuteness and accuracy of division are indispensable. He mentions in the next paragraph, that "this intricacy of division is more remarkable in the cryp togamic orders, where, indeed, it is more necessary." The observation on this passage will be short. The author has contradicted himself. If it is necessary in the cryptogamic orders, on account of their perplexity, why should it not be necessary in the grasses, on account of their perplexity? The rest of the paragraph I confess my inability to understand. He next laments that the Hypnums, Bryums, Jungermanniæ, and Lecanora, cannot be treated like less intricate genera; by which a want of uniformity is produced in an artificial system. His feelings, however, meet with a severer shock in the beautiful genus Rosa, on account of which he is highly indignant with Dr Hooker, because he has not followed the example of those who engage to furnish libraries by the yard, and squared his characters and descriptions with mathematical accuracy. Let the public judge for themselves. "The genus Rosa, (p. 147. of the Phil. Jour.), of which there are only ten species described, has half as many divisions as species, and each division dignified with a name in capitals, and a long character in italics, as if it really constituted a natural order. A method of this kind may do well enough in a Monograph, but in a Flora, regularity and consistency should be preserved: and whatever merit Mr Woods and Mr Lindley may have for their prolix descriptions of Roses, Dr Hooker can have little for adopting their method, when it stares the other genera of his arrangement out of countenance, by its disproportioned figure." This is a most unfortunate objection; for, besides being founded on an absurd principle, it proves the author to be totally unacquainted (in a scientific sense,) with the genus Rosa, than which there is not one involved in greater obscurity, or more subject to variation. It would be quite useless to enter on this topic in detail, and it will be sufficient to refer the reader to Mr Lindley's admirable Monograph, or to Dr Hooker's own book; when a glance will suffice to shew him the nature of the subject, and the acceptable service Dr Hooker has done the Scottish student in giving Mr Lindley's views unaltered. Several more complaints are enumerated, which it is scarcely necessary to mention: such as, some of the specific characters being too longplants omitted-habitats omittedomission of Gaelic names-omission of vernacular names in the cryptogamia!! &c. &c. The first of these only I think it worth while to answer. Dr Hooker has been at much trouble in forming an English Flora, and the author does not seem to be aware, that much circumlocution is sometimes necessary to construct an English specific character. I now take my leave of the author, having confined my strictures to that part of his paper which he has devoted more immediately to the criticism of the Flora Scotica. To enter myself into its merits or defects, would be inconsistent with my present intention, which is solely to shew, that the author of the "Remarks" has ventured out of his depth, that many trifling and futile censures have been passed upon it, without sufficient foundation, and that the best and most learned part of the work has been entirely overlooked. I am, Sir, yours, &c. SCRUTATOR. CONSIDERATIONS ON A PETITION OF THE NOBLEMEN AND GENTLEMEN OF RENFREWSHIRE, TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS; PRAYING THAT HONOURABLE HOUSE TO ALTER THE CORN LAWS, AND TO SUBSTITUTE, IN THE PLACE OF A 66 PROHIBITORY," A PROTECTING SYSTEM. BEFORE entering on the subject of this petition, which indeed is founded upon the very principle of the system it pretends to reprobate, it is necessary, in order to follow out the observations to be made on it, to have the whole of the petitioners' views before us. These were detailed in several newspapers; but the fullest account, we think, was given in the Glasgow Chronicle. From it, therefore, we have extracted the report of the speeches, the petition, &c. "On Tuesday, the Michaelmas Head Court was held at Renfrew, when several gentlemen were ade mitted on the roll of freeholders." It was then inquired if any other business was before the Court? John Maxwell, Esq. M. P. said, he had understood that the freeholders present were that day to give their opinion upon the corn laws. He had lately been consulting his friend, Mr Thomson, and a number of commercial gentlemen, and he found that there was a considerable discrepancy of opinion on this question. He knew it would be brought before Parliament during the ensuing session, where it would undergo a warm and interesting discussion. It was seldom disputed that the corn bill operates to the hurt of the commercial classes; and, in his opinion, it operated materially to the injury of both the landlord and the manufacturer. Every three or four years, the ports were opened by a bad harvest, and then there were such vast quantities of grain poured into the country, as reduced the prices beneath their natural level, and thereby rendered the farmers totally unable to pay their rents. Some gentlemen were of opinion, that it would be best to abandon the restrictive system altogether, and at once to adopt the principles of free trade: but when he considered that the burden of the poor, the support of the church, yeomanry cavalry, &c. fell chiefly upon the landlord, he thought it was evident that he should have a little more protection. He thought that a protecting duty of 5s. or 6s. lower upon wheat than the present prohibitory prices, would insure prosperity to the manufacturers, and would not be so prejudicial to the landed interest. Though he was favourable to a protecting duty, he could not consent to one so large as was advocated by Mr Curwen, and some other distinguished agriculturists; because, in his opinion, it would operate like a poll-tax upon the people, and would be as bad as the Corn Bill. He was for a fair and moderate duty, which would not operate to the prejudice of the manufacturers, and would, at the same time, afford protection to the landlords. He thought it would be highly proper, both for the landed gentlemen and the commercial classes, to lay their opinions, on this subject, before the House of Commons, and his Majesty's govern ment; and he would be very glad to hear the mind of any gentleman present. Mr Alexander said, he approved of what had been said by Mr Maxwell, and would be very glad if the county would meet and give their opinions on this in teresting subject. Like Mr Maxwell, he had talked with a number of his friends, and found they were all in favour of a protecting duty. For his own part, he conceived that a protecting duty would be more advantageous both for the agricultural and commercial classes. Mr Spiers said, there would be no prosperity in the country till they got a protecting daty. He was anxious to see a full meeting of the county, to give their opinions. Mr Thomson was very well qualified to give the mind of the commer. cial classes, and Sir John Maxwell and Mr Alexander could give the opinions of the landed interest; and committees of the two classes should be appointed to correspond with each other on the subject. The interests of the two classes were in separably connected. It was evident that their estates would not be half their value, were it not for the manufacturing classes they were all embarked in the same ship, and ought to co-operate to promote each other's prosperity. He considered that the Corn Bill was the greatest curse that ever befel this country. He was in Parliament when it was passed, and was accused of voting for it, and the people several times threatened to burn his house: he did not even give his opinion, because he would not be bullied into any thing; but he never gave his vote for this pernicious bill. Mr Thomson said, the Corn Bill was very unpopular. It had caused more misery and discontent than any other. measure of his Majesty's government, and those gentlemen who were best in. formed upon the subject were most against it. Mr Spiers wished to know what they intended to do. They surely would not allow the matter to be forgot, after making these observations. The county was to meet about the roads on the last Tuesday of this month, and the subject might be discussed then. He was anxious that it might be considered on that day, because it would save Sir M. Shaw Stewart, Mr Wallace of Kelly, and other gentle men, from taking a long journey at this inclement season of the year. Mr Marwell said, that if any gentle man would take the trouble to turn over the roll of freeholders, he would see that it contained a body of most respectable and intelligent commercial gentlemen, VOL. X. and he thought, that by a full county meeting, the opinions of both classes might be pretty accurately ascertained. Mr Alexander thought it would be best to address a requisition to the convener in the usual way. Sir John Max. well and Mr Spiers approved of this suggestion, and Mr Barr (their clerk) wrote a requisition, for the purpose of calling a meeting of the Noblemen, Gentlemen, Freeholders, Justices of the Peace, Com missioners of Supply, and Magistrates of Towns, at Renfrew, on Tuesday the 29th curt., to take into consideration the Corn Laws, which was signed by the gentle. men, and the meeting broke up. Pursuant to that requisition, a respectable Meeting of the Noblemen, Freeholders, Magistrates of towns, Justices of the Peace, and Commis sioners of Supply, met at Renfrew, to take into consideration the state of the Corn Laws. The requisition being read, Mr Alexander, on the motion of Mr Maxwell, was called to the chair. Mr Maxwell then rose, and said, the subject they were met to discuss was equally involved in ignorance and irrita tion, and hitherto rendered perplexing in proportion as it had been canvassed. A deviation from any uniform principle is an expedition in search of difficulties, and certainly one which intimates a prefer ence to a powerful class of the commu nity is not likely to be disappointed of its object. The principle which pervades our commercial policy is to admit the productions of all other countries upon payment of certain duties, and these duties have been large or small, according to the extent that the production imported was liable to do injury to the native whose property was invested, or whose labour was engaged in the business of supplying them. The wisdom of this restrictive legislation is at present questioned by some of the most powerful writers on political economy, but it is considered by practical financiers, to be the most easy and certain mode of collecting the revenue, and one which, if pernicious, has been so long customary, as rather to seem an obstacle to the greatest possible good, than to be felt to be a positive evil. Indeed, although it is not easy to deny the truth of these theories which are opposed to the restrictive system, and few men whose fortunes are guaranteed by, or whose bread and sustenance depend upon its continuance, have been able to obtain sufficient faith in them, so as to accede to the principles of a frea trade; but the H restrictive system has been violated, and the theory of a free trade most rigorously repulsed, in the anomalous and indefinable mode of indemnifying the agricultural interest for the detriment of extraordinary taxation. It is to the effects of this mode of protecting the cultivation of the land that I have felt it to be my duty to call your attention; and I purpose, as shortly as possible, to point out to you the impolicy of continuing under the influence of a system which gives the least possible protection to agriculture, at the greatest possible sacrifice to commercial prosperity. When I speak so strongly on this matter, it is as the representative of a manufacturing county; but I think the law, which has made such a breach between the poor and the rich-which has placed the farmer and manufacturer in direct hostility to each other-which has betrayed speculators in foreign grain into collusive practices I think I am morally justified in calling it the least beneficial law that could have been devised. Next to that, security for capital, and inducement to the exertions of skill, which are consequent upon equitable laws, the low prices of the necessaries of life must be the greatest attraction to manufacturing enterprize; and when we recollect the competition for the raw products of the land, which is excited by that valuable branch of domestic industry, we must be anxious to retain it, even at some apparent sacrifice. When we increase the power of consumption in any class of society, we stamp a value on the articles they require, exactly proportionate to that increase; and, vice versa, if we impede the trade of the country, we diminish the means of purchase amongst the classes dependent upon commerce, and contract the sale of our articles, and of course lower the exchangeable value of the whole. It is thus, by prohibiting the introduction of grain, we choak up one of the vents of manufacture, and become liable, not only to the evil of giving undue encouragement to agriculture, but even of inflicting a sort of poll-tax upon the community. This, in practice, is to give a great nominal value to raw produce, and, in so far as it is consumable, it may bring a large price; but if only one half of it can be consumed, the other half is, in point of fact, without farther value. This at least is the case in Britain, because taxes on landlords have made grain too high priced to be saleable on the continent. prohibition, although contingent in the letter, is now likely to become positive in. the spirit, from the improved value of the currency; but, if otherwise, still it' con The tinues to be injurious to the manufacturer, by creating fluctuations in price, by introducing stagnation of trade, and by making the introduction of foreign corn a speculation for the monied interest, and not a barter of raw produce against articles of manufacture. Our great national policy ought to be, to direct labour into those channels which are most productive of remuneration to the workman; because he can bear greater burdens with less suffering, by attention to this object, and may consequently be less discontented, and of course more easy to govern. If, by working a certain number of hours as an artizan, a man can exchange the commodity he has wrought up against foreign raw produce, sufficient for his wants, whilst, by cultivation, for as many hours, he could only obtain a scanty and inadequate subsistence, trade is his proper employment. All that the state has to do, is to see that it is the badness of the soil and climate which makes his farming fruitless, and not artificial causes; such as tithe, poor laws, roads, bridges, churches, jails, and other burdens, principally char ged upon landed property. But there may be another person who has not the same power of changing his occupation, and yet cannot furnish the artizan with food in return for his manufacture, because the burdens on his lease, are almost as heavy as the whole cost of the foreign husbandman. How to meet these two interests with equal impartiality, and with safety to the revenue, was a question with the Legislature; and at last it was resolved, that the artizan shall suffer two years out of three, and the agriculturist one, if we may judge from the past. But, in the meantime, by this uncomfortable process, the speculator grows rich, and articles of consumption, which never contributed to the revenue, are sold although, de facto, as contraband as Hollands, or lace, in the same place where they are the object of a sanguinary and expensive preventive service. In the meantime, the absence of British direct and indirect taxes, and public burdens, makes a very munificent bounty to the foreign grower, depreciating British capital and skill, and promoting that of fo reign cultivators. Surely the national debt is quite onerous enough, without subtracting a single spot from the field of its operation; and surely, if we can afford exemptions, they should be extended to any other class of society, rather than the monied interest. We are told that it is not opening the ports which now hurts us. Dantzic wheat is the foremost on the list of prices daily. "We are told that a free and unrestricted admission of |