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to expect, if their superiors in education promise them an elysium of high wages and little work, as the result of pillaging other classes of the community, that they should be keen-sighted enough to see through the delusion and refuse the tempting bait.
We must therefore, at all events, expect to meet the doctrines of the Internationale in the arena of political discussion. It may well be that an effort will be made to procure for some of them
—such, for instance, as the proposals of Mr. Odger and Mr. Mill—an admission into the programme of the Liberal party. That the mass of the present Liberals have no wish or intention of the kind, we are perfectly aware; but the tactics by which a small fraction of a party im poses its doctrines on the remainder are well known, and have been perfected by frequent practice. They are founded upon the established rule of political arithmetic, that one variable is worth more than a score of constants. When an election is nearly balanced, the important people—the voters who occupy every agent's thoughts, engross every civility, and can ensure the most respectful attention to every fancy they may entertain-are not the five hundred on each side whose votes are certain, but the twenty who have refused to promise. In the close party divisions of Lord Palmerston's time, the men upon whom every resource of Ministerial blandishment was expended, were not the respectable phalanx behind the Minister, whose votes were as certain as that of the Minister himself, but the waifs and strays of politics—the advanced theorists—the men of a single idea—the apostles of a crotchet. They had their price when a party vote was wanted, and that price was an onward step in the direction of their own ideas. And thus the statesmen of the Liberal party were reluctantly pushed on, and the minority imposed its views upon the majority. The same tactics have been practised more than once with success upon the Ministers that followed. Those who are ready, if thwarted, to vote against their party leader will have more command over him, and will be better able to force him into their views, than those who vote for him steadily, whatever happens. The men who are fanatical for their cause win an easy victory over those who are guided by party allegiance, or feelings of personal regard. It is a terrible advantage which our party arrangements give to extreme and desperate politicians.
But of course this power of an extravagant minority depends wholly on the long-suffering of the majority. The time may come when the middle classes, who are the real support of Liberal Governments, will awake to the dangers into which they are being hurried by their revolutionary allies. However necessary it may be, from a party point of view, that the school of politicians represented by Mr. Odger and Mr. Mill should be
overnme by their revopoint of view Mr. Mill
conciliated, they must at last recognise that party victories may be bought too dear, and that there are interests compared to which the welfare of a Ministry is trivial. Their mistake in recent times has been, that they have accepted their political connexions and antagonisms too much from tradition, without. noticing how much the world has moved. They have gone on belabouring their old adversaries, the squire and the parson, with all the enthusiasm of their fathers half a century ago and have not discerned the vast, overshadowing power that is growing up behind them. Their old enemies are maimed and shrunken: the force with which they now have to count is that of the auxiliaries by whose aid their former victories were won. New questions are before the world: new issues are to be fought out, which in importance dwarf the old.". The calamities of France are useful to us in this, that they warn the classes who are threatened here of the dangers of entering upon a new political era hampered with the enmities and the friendships which belonged to a period that has gone by. We have seen what has been the fate of a bourgeoisie who, in 1848, to obtain a miserable party triumph, accepted a Socialist alliance. There is good hope that no such folly, will be committed here. During the past Session, the Government showed an inclination on more than one occasion to purchase, by seini-socialist proposals, support of the same kind. But, however obsequious their party had hithértó been, they were unable to carry it, with them in these attempts. Much of the future peace and strength of this country depends upon the promptitude with which similar efforts in coming Sessions are restrained. If the Liberal landowners, and the mass of the commercial middle class resolutely repel the doctrines of this new school, it will pass away in due time Kármlesslŷ, as other fanaticisms have done. But they may take another course. They may, tempted by the momentary party strength it may offer, tamper with it, pacify it with fair but hollow promises, lend to it a popularity among political adventurers, and so admit it to a standing among English political parties. They will not by, so doing assure, its success, for the destruction of its opponents is not success; but they will challenge a class conflict' which, whatever its issue, will incu. rably shatter the prosperity, the strength, the unity of England.
HUNDRED AND THIRTY-FIRST VOLUME OF THE
ABOUT (M. Edmond) on Labour and
Wages, 231-on co-operation amongst
apologue of, illustrative of the widest
possible tolerance, 131.
logue of shortcomings, negligences,
-deficiency of our resources, 538–
- tremendous consequences of an
the Crimean war, 547.
transformation, 91 — its wretched
into the Austro-Hungarian monarchy,
type of human, 63.
the world, 393.
- the process of malting, 396—the
the Maine Liquor Law, 416.
Berlin contrasted with Vienna, 112.
- skilfal appeal to the peasantry on
- extension of the International
-its principles on the relation of
heritance, 558-the Socialist Alliance
--the French socialist makes war
563—the Commune the Helot in the
him as the greatest English poetical strikes no evidence of Socialist ideas
Don Juan' awakes and finds him of Messrs. Mill, Harrison, and Odger,
investigation of a new force, 37-bis
the new metal thallium, 343.
Curwen's (Rev. J.) tonic sol-fa sys-
of action, 310.
Darwin's (Charles, M.A., F.R.S.) De
tion to Sex,' 47-false facts more
the ills of the working classes, 261. present opinions subversive of his
by small culture there, 258 - two of the principle of natural selection,
served admissions of error, 52–
respecting the loss of the • Captain,' his theory, ib.-two distinct pro-
cesses of sexual selection, ib.- stal-
display by male birds, 60—his inac-
stages through which it has passed, -over-hasty conclusions, 66-traces
man's genealogy back to a form of
Ascidian, ib. Ascidian ancestry of
549—the end of the Commune move kinds of action to which the nervous
parts of man's nature, 68-anec- | accepted drama, 214-interview with
Education of the People. Our present
educational prospects, 265 — three
points of interest to be investigated,
ib.-1. the relation of the new state
of things to the previous system, 266
- question of making the payment
of school-pence a part of out-door
relief, 271-schools of religious tone
and secular schools, 272-voluntary
and rate-supported schools, 274-
secularism of schools in the United
fare under the new system, 278—
great majority of petitions for reli-
secular, 281-probable effects of the
Cowper-Temple clause, 282—impos-
sibility of drawing out an unde-
nominational creed, 287 — III. Pro-
Code, 290—programme of the course
of education contemplated, ib.-exer-
cise and drill in the schools, 292–
Erle (sir W.), on the law relating to
Trades' Unions, 234.
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