America.

Nature, whether intellectual or moral. Stability of purpose, sobriety of judgment, vigour, enterprise, comprehension, and efficiency of character,-in a word, all those attributes of the heart and of the head which qualify men to think, to suffer, and to act, have become distinctive features of the national pre-eminence. Moreover, the period during which the North American Colonies were settled, was that in which the heroic beauty of the English character approached, and passed, the season of its ripeness. It remains then only to be added, that it was much of the choicest products of this very season, culled by the unknowing hand of bigotry, that was sent to stock the new world. It is then, enough to say, that the leaders of the early emigration to America, were Englishmen of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,-Englishmen not inferior to their countrymen in the qualities distinctive of the nation, and perhaps superior to them, by all that firmness and greatness of soul, which long affliction for conscience-sake usually confers upon the character. Is it inquired, who these woodmen were, that first broke a way through the frozen forests of New England,-it might be replied, that often they were worthies in whose characters were conjoined the strenuous, enduring, lofty virtues of early Rome, with the meekness, the purity, the elevation inspired by Christianity. Such, certainly, were many of the patriarchs of these new communities, beneath the shadow of whose virtues, it is recorded, that men long lived securely without laws. Such must have been the men, whose firm and wise provisions, and whose personal influence, could avail to fence round public tranquillity, even against the yearly overflowings of our Newgate.

Of the whole number of persons judicially transported to the colonies, under the general designation of dangerous rogues,' a large proportion were not malefactors, but men obnoxious to the Government on purely political grounds. With respect to the malefactors, Mr. Walsh remarks that 'the real convicts were received by the colo nists, not as companions, but as servants; and if the circumstance of their comparative paucity did not render absurd a general reproach upon our descent, it is difficult to conceive why any gene⚫ration in Great Britain should not be stigmatized in its origin, on account of the much more considerable proportion of dangerous rogues who remained at home.'

The persecuted English Catholics flocked, chiefly, to the middle and southern colonies; especially to Maryland. Here, their new circumstances, or their late afflictions, seem to have taught them the first lesson of political science,-that the consciences of men are not the fit objects of legislation.

The Assembly of Maryland endeavoured with a laudable anxiety to preserve the peace of the church; and though composed chiefly of Roman Catholics, it adopted that measure which

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'could alone prove absolutely successful. The act which it pass"ed "concerning Religion," recited, " that the enforcement of the conscience had been of dangerous consequence in those countries wherein it had been practised." And it enacted, that no persons, 'believing in Jesus Christ, shall be molested in respect of their re'ligion, or in the free exercise thereof, or be compelled to the belief 'or exercise of any other religion against their consent; so that they be not unfaithful to the proprietary, or conspire not against 'the civil government: that persons molesting any other in respect ' of his religious tenets, shall pay treble damages to the party ag'grieved, and twenty shillings to the proprietary: that those reproaching any with opprobrious names of religious distinctions, 'shall forfeit ten shillings to the persons injured."' Chalmers's "Political Annals of the United Colonies."

In consequence of these wise enactments, Catholic Maryland became the general refuge of the persecuted from all quarters; hither fled the Puritans, persecuted by the established church in Virginia, the Quakers, persecuted by the presbyterian synod of Massachu setts, and the Dutch, expelled from Delaware.

Every one is aware of the admirable nature of the political frame upon which the colony of Pennsylvania was constructed. Even Chalmers, loyal as he is, thus speaks of it.

"The numerous laws which were enacted at the first settlement of Pennsylvania, which do so much honour to its good sense, display the principles of the people these legislative regulations kept them alive, long after the original spirit began to droop and expire. Had Pennsylvania been less blessed by nature, she must have become flourishing and great, because it was a principle of her great charter, that children should be taught some useful trade, to the end that none may be idle, but the poor may work to live, and the rich, if they become poor, may not want.' That country must be commercial, which compels factors wronging their employers to make satisfaction, and one third over; which subjects, not only the goods, but the lands of the debtor, to the payment of debts; because it is the credit given by all to all, that forms the essence of traffic. We ought naturally to expect great internal order when a fundamental law declares, that every thing which excites the people to rudeness, cruelty, and irreligion shall be discouraged, and severely punished.' And religious controversy could not disturb her repose, when none, acknowledging one God, and living peaceably in society, could be molested for his opinions or his practice, or compelled to frequent or maintain any minister whatsoever. To the regulations which were thus established as fundamentals, must chiefly be attributed the rapid improvement of this colony, this spirit of diligence, order, and economy, for which the Pennsylva nians have been at all times so celebrated."

We could not, within moderate limits, give any summary of the various matter brought together in the middle sections of the present volume, under the heads of The difficulties surmounted by the Colonists. The military efforts and sufferings of the Colonists in the wars of the Mother Country.'- The benefits reaped by Great Britain from the American trade.'-'The relative dispositions of Great Britain and America, from the Peace of 1763.' Should any of our readers feel disposed to refer to the volume itself, they will hardly require to be reminded that the Author is to be heard, not as a calm or philosophical inquirer after historical truth, but as an avowed and as an angry pleader, bringing forward the strongest ex parte statement he is able to furnish.

The seventh section relates to the hostilities of the British Reviews: but we may be well excused from meddling in the Author's quarrel with the Quarterly and Edinburgh Reviews. The indifferent reader, we think, will be of opinion that Mr. Walsh, as he renounces the immense advantage accruing to the controvertist from calm reason and good temper, has but little advantage of any other kind against his adversaries, except in the exposure of some misstatements and inconsistencies. At the same time, he gratifies both of them, by discovering the degree in which the violence of the one, and the sarcasms of the other, have succeeded in producing an unbounded vexation and rage in the minds of Americans.

Mr. Walsh reserves to the close of his volume, the subject of which it is probable he felt the most reluctant to treat. It will readily be guessed, that it is the existence of Negro Slavery in the United States, and the British Slave Trade, to which this last section relates. It is evident, that the writers of whom our Author complains, have perceived that if the Americans are to be reviled, the continuance of slavery among them is a topic which affords all the materials of specious declamation. Here is a vein of arsenic that will repay the working; and this treasure of poison lies upon the very surface. It is only needful that we should forget our own ample share in the crimes of the slave-trade, and forget also the real circumstances of slavery in the Southern States, and the prevalent feeling in America relative to slavery; and then, nothing will sound more plausible than the sanctimonious horror with which we inveigh against these slave-holding Republicans. On this ground, the crafty wrath of the political manoeuvrer may, with the happiest effect, assume the guise of pure humanity; and national jealousy may here spend itself in all the fiery phrases of indignant beneficence. This is, in fact, the course that has suggested itself on the one side on the other, we see the champion of the planters, not content with offering for them the just apology which may be grounded upon the actual difficulties of their situation, nor even with attempting to balance the load of guilt between England VOL. II.

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and America, but labouring to maintain the incredible position, that slave-holding has not left deep or important traces upon the American character. This, however, is clearly the only point worthy of much discussion; and it is perfectly distinct from the inquiry, What is the actual measure of blame resting upon the States? or, Which people have been the most culpable-the English, or the Americans? The actual influence of the black population upon the American character, is a subject confessedly of the highest interest and importance; though Mr. Walsh, of course, keeps it much out of sight. But to this subject we may, perhaps, have occasion to revert in a future Number.

Mr. Walsh adduces a variety of facts tending to lessen the load of guilt in this behalf alleged to rest upon his countrymen; and to a certain extent he furnishes a solid and reasonable apology for existing evils. The plan and nature of the Author's argument, may be sufficiently gathered from the following sentence: after citing some passages from the Edinburgh Review, he says, 'There ' is no keenness or latitude of retaliation which will appear excessive 'after such provocation; and indulgence will be readily granted, 'for the same reason, should details of fact be reproduced, either 'familiar to most readers, or harrowing for the feelings of hu'manity.'

The multifarious and not very well digested matter of this section, might be reduced under the following propositions; namely, I. That England has been the inventor, and always the principal agent in the Slave Trade; and that she has tempted, and even compelled the colonists to afford a market for the Trade. II. That a full proportion of all the atrocities belonging to the Trade, has been chargeable to the English. III. That it was only the almost infinite labours and the unconquerable perseverance of a few benevolent individuals, which at length carried the abolition in England. IV. That the provisions of the Abolition Bills have been, to a great extent, inefficient. V. That England has possessed, but neglected, the means of exacting from the European states, an entire abolition of the Trade. VI. That England has not heartily sought to make reparation to Africa, for the injuries inflicted by the Trade. VII. That the earliest remonstrances against the Trade, arose in the North-American Colonies;-that the colonists laboured to prevent, or to check the importation of Blacks. VIII. That America preceded England in the measure of abolition. IX. That the Americans deplore the existence of slavery among them, and wait only for the means and opportunity to free themselves completely from the evil,-eleven States having actually abolished slavery. X. That the condition of the Slaves is comfortable; and that they are treated with the greatest practicable indulgence. And finally, That the people of the Slave-holding States are neither de

ficient in humanity, nor in their attachment to the principles of civil liberty.

Some of these propositions need no proof; others are very questionable. We shall make a few quotations (without observing method) from the mass of evidence adduced in support of some of them.

C

'Let it be conceded, that the colonists received the auxiliaries (the negroes) thus brought to their hands, and whom they durst not reject-without repugnance, perhaps with avidity. But, considering the nature of their respective motives and situations, does 'the guilt of the receiver in this case bear any proportion to that of the trader? Can the seduced be brought down, by any prin'ciple of reasoning, to the level of the seducer? If the colonists, the southern particularly, in a new climate, noxious to the white labourer, but favourable to the African constitution; exposed to much physical suffering from other causes, and to so many addi* tional influences depressing for the mind; liable to be called off 'from the culture of the soil by the irruptions of the savage native;-yielded to the temptation so immediate, of being relieved 'from the wasting labours of the field, and enabled to provide more effectually for their defence against the Indian ;-if we sup" pose them even to have gone in quest of the negro slave, in a few 'instances, after the mother country had set them the example, and given them a taste of the relief which he could afford,-are they not to be considered quite as excusable as we can conceive men to be by any possibility, in any instance of the adoption of 'domestic servitude, or, indeed, of the commission of any wrong r? It is a contested point whether the constitution even of the native white is equal to the task of cultivating the earth successfully in our southern states, in the actual condition of its surface; but in the first century of settlement, when the forest was still to be felled, and the climate, more noxious in itself, exercised a more fa'tal influence, the service of the negro was more important, and * would naturally be thought indispensable by the colonists.'

The following observations, which the Author quotes from Judge Tucker, invite the attention of every candid mind.

"It is unjust to censure the present generation for the existence of slavery in this country; for I think it unquestionably true, that a very large proportion of our fellow citizens lament that as a 'misfortune, which is imputed to them as a reproach; it being evi'dent, that, antecedent to the revolution, no exertion to abolish, or < even to check the progress of slavery, could have received the 'smallest countenance from the crown; without whose assent the united wishes and exertions of every individual here, would have 'been wholly fruitless and ineffectual: it is, perhaps, also demou