gards it as a mere expletive: but Demetrius Phalereus remarks that such particles are not to be employed like the chippings and rubbish of masons, barely to fill up spaces; and cites an observation of Praxiphanes, (§ 57.) that some of the little words in question used to be employed with such effect as to produce an expression of moaning and lamentation, as in καὶ νύ κ' ὀδυρομένοισιν ἔδυ φάος hexlow, ei un, &c. [Hom. Il. . 154.] This perhaps is a little fanciful; see Hom. Od. . 79. However this may be, it is often much more easy to perceive that the construction would suffer by the absence of a particle, than to define exactly the effect of its presence." P. 203. "In barbarous Latin quia is used in the same manner as öri in Greek. Thus in the vulg. translation of St. Matth. dico vobis, quia omnis, qui irascitur fratri suo, reus erit judicio, v, 22. audistis quia dictum est, oculum pro oculo, et dentem pro dente, v, 38. non legistis quia qui fecit hominem, ab initio masculum et fœminam fecit eos? xix, 4. This use of quia led me to observe in the Supplement to Johnson's Dictionary published in 1819, that, credo quia impossibile est, which Addison (Freeh. 14.) calls the celebrated rant of an ancient father, may after all mean no more than, I believe that it is impossible." From these quotations the reader will perceive that with the abridgment of the old work is given no small portion of origi nal matter. NOTICES OF FOREIGN WORKS, WHICH MAY BE HAD OF MESSRS. BLACK AND CO. Die Etrusker. Vier Bücher von C. O. MULLER. Breslau, 1828. THIS work on “the Etruscans” gained the prize of the Royal Academy of Berlin in 1826. The author, Professor Müller, of Gottingen, delayed its publication from a commendable desire to render his work as perfect and complete as possible. It is divided into four books, which are preceded by an introduction on the national affinity of the Etruscans and other Italian races; on the spreading of the Etruscans in Etruria; their power in Upper Italy; on their colonies in Campania and the islands, &c. The first book treats of the quality of the Etruscan soil; of its natural produce; of the manufacturing of the raw produce for common use; and of the trade and commerce of the Etruscans. This book ends with a treatise on Etruscan coins. The second book treats of the public and private life of the Etruscans; and explains, in particular chapters, the constitution of the Etruscan confederacy; their military establishment; and ends with an excursus on the sepulchral inscriptions of Etruria. The third book treats of the religion and the divination of the Etruscans; and the fourth, of their arts and literature, in eight chapters. 1. On the religious games, music, &c. 2. On architecture. 3. On painting and sculpture. 4. On the heroic mythology. 5. On poetry. 6. On the Etruscan writing and signs of numbers. 7. On the calendar and chronology. 8. On the sciences and education among the Etruscans in general. Our readers must perceive from this table of contents, that Professor Müller has treated his subject in the most comprehensive manner. His ingenious and laborious researches throw a new light on a great number of points in the history of the Etruscans; and the least we can say in praise of him is, that he has won the prize, longo intervallo, against all his predecessors who ever wrote on the Etruscans. Chap. 1. on the national affinity of the Etruscans with other Italian races, draws historical inferences from the languages which were spoken in Italy. Niebuhr had remarked that most Latin words which have a reference to a pastoral or agricultural life are of Greek origin, whilst those referring to war and chace are not Greek; of the former kind are, ovis, aries, agnus, rus, aper, porcus, equus, ager, silva, aro, sero, vinum, lac, mel, sal, oleum, lana, glans; of the latter, tela, arma, hasta, pilum, gladius, arcus, sagitta, &c. Niebuhr proved also, that the people of Latium was a mixture of the Siceli and the Aborigines, or Casci; consequently the Greek element of the Latin is derived from the Siceli. Müller shows, in addition, that the words which express the most simple actions are all either Greek, or nearly related to the Greek; as, eo, sto, sedeo, cubo (kéкvpα), salio, maneo, video, cerno, cluo, tango, ago, fero, do, fluo, edo, &c.: the personal pronouns, the pronoun relative, the greater part of the prepositions, the nouns of numbers, are Greek. All the declensions, with a very few exceptions, are taken from the Greek; the declension of the adjectives in the gender, likewise, as well as many parts of the conjugations. The formation of the words is analogous to that in the Greek language. But in the formation of the tenses, the Latin uses b and v (amabam, amavi, amabo), and r as starem, legerem. Müller goes on to show, that the language of the Osci and the Latin were only dialects: he wishes to infer, that the Aborigines and the Osci, Opici, or Ausones, belonged to the same race of people. It is a striking remark, we confess, that both the Greeks and the Osci put for the Latin_qu a p, r, as quid is the Oscic pit, and my qua, noios qualis, &c. But M. observes himself, that the same exchange of letters takes place in Celtic dialects; and we conceive altogether the evidence concerning the affinity of the Oscic, Sabine, and Umbrian languages with the Latin so defective, that we should hardly venture to draw any inference from it: still more hazardous is the hypothesis, that the Etruscan language might be connected as an extreme link with the Greek language, because we find some analogy between the two people in national costumes and manners. A traveller in the East may remark the same thing of people that speak absolutely dif ferent languages. The name Tyrrheni, which was given to the Etruscan by the Greeks, leads M. to an excursus on the Tyrrheni Pelasgi. He starts a new hypothesis, which is plausible enough. In Lydia, he says, there lived a people called the Torrhebi: their town must have been called Torrha; another dialect may have changed the name into Tyrrha, whence the name Tyrrheni could be regularly derived. Some Pelasgi from Lemnos and Imbros, or other parts of the Ægean, settled on the coast of Lydia, and received from the neighboring country Torrhebia the name Tyrrheni. May be, may not be! It is perilous to draw any historical inference from etymologies of this kind. These PelasgiTyrrheni, continues M., had also a settlement on the promontory Malea; a branch of them probably settled on the coast of Italy, between the Tiber and the Macra. The Tyrrheni of Lydia and the Tyrrheni of Etruria, are both mentioned as the inventors of the trumpet and the flute; and why should the Etruscans have adopted more of the Greek VOL. XXXVIII. Cl. Jl. NO. LXXVI. Y civilisation than the Osci and the Ligurians, if there was no Greek colony in their country? We answer, because they were a seafaring nation, and had much more intercourse with the Greeks of Sicily and Magna Græcia than history tells us. Could not the Tyrrheni of Italy have imported the trumpet and the flute from Asia Minor, and have become thus the inventors of these instruments for Italy? All arguments in favor of an emigration from Lydia seem to us to fail; they had their origin only in the restless ambition of the Greeks to make out national genealogies. The fable of a settlement of the Pelasgi of Thessaly at Cortona, as reported by Hellanicus, may have its foundation, as M. suggests, in an Etruscan tradition of a native hero, Nanos, buried at Cortona, whom Hellanicus supposed to have been a fugitive from Larissa; and we approve also of his suggestion, that the Pelasgi of Creston were Pelasgi of Kęńσrwy, on the peninsula of Chalcidice. We must plunge headlong into a labyrinth of possibilities, whenever we attempt to reconcile the innumerable opinions of the Greek logographi about the Pelasgi, who had already ceased to exist as a nation, when the Greeks began to collect the floating reports concerning them. In speaking of the boundaries of Etruria towards the country of the Sabines, Falerii is justly mentioned as an Etruscan town. The Romans forced the inhabitants, after having taken their town, which had been situated on a high rock, like most towns of Etruria, to settle in the plain near the Tiber. The new place of settlement was called Æquum Faliscum, whence it was supposed that the Æqui, a distant people, had been mixed up with the population of Falerii; but M. shows, that Equum Faliscum means only the Falisci in the plain analogous to Equimelium. The ancient Falerii was situated to the west of Civita Castellana, where there is still a place called Falari; and Æquum Faliscum lay in the plain near the Tiber, between Rome and Otriculi, or in Piano di Borghetto. Virgil's interpretation of Æqui Falisci, the just Falisci, is another proof how poets, together with credulous historians, subvert the plain historical truth. The greatest confusion in history arose from floating traditions, with which no chronological date was connected. Subsequent historians, in making use of these traditions, pitched on different periods, and thus the same historical event appears in different writers at different periods; and after a lapse of time the same event happened to occur in the same writer at different periods twice over. Müller shows this with respect to the origin of the Tuscus Vicus at Rome. Romulus obtains assistance from a Lucumo of Volsinii, Cælius Vibenna, whose companions are settled after his death in the Tuscus Vicus. Another speaks of two brothers, Cæles and Vibenna, companions of Porsenna, who remain behind, and settle in the Tuscus Vicus. Another version is, that the companions of Aruns, after the battle of Aricia, settle on the same spot. A last report is, that Cælius Vibenna came in the time of Tarquinius Priscus to Rome; and that his companion Mastarna, with the remainder of the army, settled at Rome, and became king under the name of Servius Tullius. The last event is, in all probability, the original fact, because the Emperor Claudius read it in the Etruscan annals. The work abounds in similar ingenious combinations, which frequently draw conviction along with them. Those who have read Niebuhr's Roman History, must read Müller's work on the Etruscans too, because they tread frequently upon the same ground, and they clash sometimes, as may be expected, on particular points: on the whole, they coincide in the results of their researches, as far as Roman history is concerned. It is impossible to give an adequate notion of the stupendous research which is displayed in Müller's work: this fact accounts for the intense anxiety with which its publication was looked for in Germany. Sylloge Epigrammatum Græcorum ex Marmoribus et Libris collegit et illustravit F. TH. WELCKER. Editio altera recognita et aucta. Bonnæ, 1828. This new edition of Greek epigrams has been considerably enlarged. They are divided into three classes: the first contains, Epigrammata Sepulcralia, p. 1-150; the second, Epigrammatu åvalŋμatiká, p. 151226; the third, Epigrammata Promiscua, p. 227-282: then follows an Index Epigrammatum, p. 283-287; an Index Rerum et Verborum, p. 288-292; and pp. 293–304. contain Addenda. The epigrams of each class are subdivided into those which are taken ex marmoribus, and those which are taken ex libris editis. The Sepulcralia are so arranged, that those of a public character precede those which were set up by private individuals; of the avalημaτiká, those which refer to the gods, precede those which refer to heroes, magistrates, &c. Under Promiscua are classed those epigrams which contain nuntios, monita, denunciationes, sententias, &c. The editor has been supported by liberal contributions from Niebuhr, Boeckh, Osann, Gerhard, Letronne, and especially from Jacobs. Each epigram is accompanied by a critical commentary, which is exceedingly valuable. There are in all 240 epigrams. A great number of them have never been published before, except perhaps in travels or periodicals. As a specimen we here insert the inscription found at Olympia, (Boeckh. Corp. Inser. No. 16. Rose, Insc. p. 66.) which is thus given by Welcker: Ἱάρων ὁ Δεινομένεος καὶ τοὶ Συρακόσιοι τῷ Δὶ Τυῤῥάν ̓ ἀπὸ Κύμας. Welcker says of Rose, "Boeckhii explicationem a sensu suo detorquens in eam, quæ vera illius viri sententia erat, Leakium etiam incidisse refert." Welcker remarks also on the word Tuppár' (TYPAN'), “Malim intelligere ipsa кpávn," not as Boeckh and Broenstaed did, orλa, λáдupa, σkʊλa, and he refers to Albesia, i. e. scuta Albensium, and Aaкwvikal or 'Aμvkλádes, and to Virg. Cir. 169. "Cognita non teneris pedibus Sicyonia servans." The last verse was allowed by Boeckh to be a paroemiacus: W. adds, "Mihi prioribus etiam modi videntur inesse .. Anapæstici modi adhibiti videntur, quod ex iis quasi resonat gaudium triumphi, cui galeæ captæ monumento sunt. . . . Immixtus autem in ejusmodi carmine anapæstis iambus ne nimis acriter tuum offendat animum;" and refers to the pæan on Lysander (Plutarch in Lys. 18.), which was thus restored by Hermann : Τὸν Ἑλλάδος ἀγαθέας An iambus here also precedes the anapæsts. The following elegant epitaph has been communicated to Welcker by Pacho, the celebrated traveller in Cyrenaica, who found it in the Ptolemais: L. ΚΘ. Τι. Πετρώνιος Καπίτων, ἐτῶν ΔΚ. Jo. Nic. MADRIGII, A.M., ad Virum Celeberrimum Jo. CASP. ORELLIUM Epistola Critica de Orationum Verrinarum Libris II. extremis emendandis. Hauniæ, 1828. This letter, addressed to Professor Orelli at Zurich, the learned editor of Cicero's works, informs us that the library at Copenhagen possesses a copy of Gryphius's edition of Cicero's Orationes, (Lugd. 1576.) formerly belonging to Joh. Alb. Fabricius, with a number of marginal notes. The book is thus described in Fabricius's Catalogue: "Ciceronis Orationes, vol. i. a Joh. Mich. Bruto emendatum. 1572. Act. vi. et VII. in Verrem collata est cum optimo Codice Bibl. Regiæ Paris." It appears that those marginal notes actually contain various readings of great value, which render it worth while to publish a new edition of the Orationes Verrinæ. Grævius was in possession of them, (Præf. tom. i. p. 3. where he describes them as codicis optimi lectiones,') although he was negligent enough not to make any use of them. Madrig gives in this letter to Orelli a number of the most important readings, together with his own critical remarks on a variety of passages. In the preface he speaks in terms of reprobation of Goerenz, Moser, Creuzer, and Schütz, as editors of Cicero, but acknowleges the merits of Victorius, Lambinus, Bentley, Ernesti, Heindorf, Hottinger, &c. On the other hand, Moser, in his edition of Cic. de Divinatione just published, complains bitterly of the arrogance of Madrig. Hinc illæ facrymæ ! Orelli's edition is highly esteemed in Germany, and universally considered to be the best. Platonis Timæus. Optimarum nunc editionum textus recognovit, adnotatione continua illustrabat, indice instruxit, AUG. FRID. LINDAU, A.M. Prof. Reg. Gymn. Olsn. Collega. Lipsiæ, 1828. This edition of Timæus is dedicated to Prince Ypsilanti, the father of the Ypsilantis who began the revolution in Walachia and in Greece, "propter liberalem in patriam e barbaris restitutionem." Five Paris codd. were collated at the editor's expense, more carefully than it had ever been done before, even Im. Bekker's collation not excepted; the Cod. Raudnicensis, which belongs now to the University library of Breslau, was also made use of. From p. 1 to 176. is given the text with a Latin translation; the Commentary itself occupies 144 pages, and is executed with the greatest care and ingenuity. We refer our readers especially to Comm. p. 42. Sʊr' ¿v čkdoty diaothuat, and Appendix, p. 139. where the most difficult part of Timæus is very ably elucidated. |