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THE MASSACRE OF GLENCOE.

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defeated that good design; and that he might both gratify his own revenge, and render the king odious to all the highlanders, he proposed that orders should be sent for a military execution on those of Glencoe. An instruction was drawn by the Secretary of State, the Master of Stair, to be both signed and countersigned by the king (that so he might bear no part of the blame, but that it might be wholly on the king), that such as had not taken the oaths by the time limited should be shut out of the benefit of the indemnity, and be received only upon mercy. But when it was found that this would not authorize what was intended, a second order was got to be signed and countersigned, that if the Glencoe men could be separated from the rest of the highlanders, some examples might be made of them, in order to strike terror into the rest. The king signed this without any inquiry about it, for he was too apt to sign papers in a hurry, without examining the importance of them. This was one effect of his slowness in despatching business; for as he was apt to suffer things to run on till there was a great heap of papers laid before him, so then he signed them a little too precipitately. But all this while the king knew nothing of Macdonald's offering to take the oaths within the time, nor of his having taken them soon after it was past, when he came to a proper magistrate. As these orders were sent down, the Secretary of State writ many letters to Levingstoun, who commanded in Scotland, giving him a strict charge and particular directions for the execution of them; and he ordered the passes in the valley to be kept, describing them so minutely that the orders were certainly drawn by one who knew the country well. He gave also a positive direction that no prisoners should be taken, that so the execution might be as terrible as was possible. He pressed this upon Levingstoun, with strains of vehemence, that looked as if there was something more than ordinary in it: he, indeed, grounded it on his zeal for the king's service, adding, that such rebels and murderers should be made examples of.

In February a company was sent to Glencoe, who were kindly received and quartered over the valley, the inhabitants thinking themselves safe, and looking for no hostilities: after they had staid a week among them, they took their time in the night, and killed about six and thirty of them, the rest taking the alarm and escaping; this raised a mighty outcry, and was published by the French in their gazettes, and by the Jacobites in their libels, to cast a reproach on the king's government as cruel and barbarous, though in all other instances it had appeared that his own inclinations were gentle and mild rather to an excess. The king sent orders to inquire into the matter; but when the letters, writ upon this business, were all examined, which I myself read, it appeared that so many were involved in the matter, that the king's gentleness prevailed on him to a fault, and he contented himself with dismissing only the Master of Stair from his service. The highlanders were so inflamed with this, that they were put in as forward a disposition as the Jacobites could wish for, to have rebelled upon the first

favourable opportunity; and, indeed, the not punishing this with a due rigour was the greatest blot in this whole reign, and had a very ill effect in alienating that nation from the king and his government.

2. ON THE PROPER CONDUCT OF PRINCES.

(CONCLUSION OF

66 HISTORY OF MY OWN TIMES.")

I have had the honour to be admitted to much free conversation with five of our sovereigns, King Charles II., King James II., King William III., Queen Mary, and Queen Anne. King Charles's behaviour was a thing never enough to be commended; he was a perfectly well-bred man, easy of access, free in his discourse, and sweet in his whole deportment; this was managed with great art, and it covered bad designs; it was of such use to him, that it may teach all succeeding princes of what advantage an easiness of access and an obliging behaviour may be; this preserved him; it often disarmed those resentments which his ill conduct in everything, both public and private, possessed all thinking people with very early, and all sorts of people at last; and yet none could go to him, but they were in a great measure softened before they left him; it looked like a charm that could hardly be resisted; yet there was no good nature under that, nor was there any truth in him. King James had great application to business, though without a right understanding; that application gave him a reputation, till he took care to throw it off; if he had not come after King Charles, he would have passed for a prince of a sweet temper, and easy of access. King William was the reverse of all this; he was scarce accessible, and was always cold and silent; he minded affairs abroad so much, and was so set on the war, that he scarce thought of his government at home; this raised a general disgust, which was improved by men of ill designs, so that it perplexed all his affairs, and he could scarce support himself at home, whilst he was the admiration of all abroad. Queen Mary was affable, cheerful, and lively, spoke much, and yet under great reserves, minded business, and came to understand it well; she kept close to rules, chiefly to those set her by the king, and she charmed all that came near her. Queen Anne is easy of access, and hears everything very gently; but opens herself to so few, and is so cold and general in her answers, that people soon find that the chief application is to be made to her ministers and favourites, who, in their turns, have an entire credit and full power with her; she has laid down the splendour of a court too much, and eats privately; so that, except on Sundays, and a few hours twice or thrice a-week at night in the drawing-room, she appears so little, that her court is as it were abandoned. But of all these princes' conduct, and from their successes in their affairs, it is evident what ought to be the measures of a wise and good prince, who would govern the nation happily and gloriously.

CHARACTER OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE.

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The first, the most essential, and most indispensable rule for a king is, to study the interest of the nation, to be ever in it, and to be always pursuing it: this will lay in for him such a degree of confidence, that he will be ever safe with his people when they feel they are safe in him. No part of our story shows this more visibly than Queen Elizabeth's reign, in which the true interest of the nation was constantly pursued; and this was so well understood by all, that everything else was forgiven her and her ministers both. Sir Simon d'Ewe's journal shows a treatment of parliament that could not have been borne at any other time, or under any other administration. This was the constant support of King William's reign, and continues to support the present reign,' as it will support all who adhere steadily to it.

A prince that would command the affections and purses of this nation, must not study to stretch his prerogative, or be uneasy under the restraints of law. As soon as this humour shows itself, he must expect that a jealousy of him, and an uneasy opposition to him, will follow through the whole course of his reign; whereas, if he governs well, parliaments will trust him as much as a wise prince would desire to be trusted, and will supply him in every war that is necessary, either for their own preservation or the preservation of those allies with whom mutual interests and leagues unite him; but though, soon after the Restoration, a slavish Parliament supported King Charles in the Dutch war, yet the nation must be strangely changed before anything of that sort can happen again.

3. CHARACTER OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE.—(BURNET'S “OWN TIMES,” BOOK VI.)

He had a thin and weak body, was brown-haired, and of a clear and delicate constitution. He had a Roman eagle nose, bright and sparkling eyes, a large front, and a countenance composed to gravity and authority. All his senses were critical and exquisite. He was always asthmatical; and the dregs of the small-pox falling on his lungs, he had a constant deep cough. His behaviour was solemn and serious, seldom cheerful, and but with a few. He spoke little, and very slowly, and most commonly with a disgusting dryness, which was his character at all times, except in a day of battle; for then he was all fire, though without passion. He was then everywhere, and looked to everything. He had no great advantage from his education. De Witt's discourses were of great use to him; and he, being apprehensive of the observation of those who were looking narrowly into everything he said or did, had brought himself under a habitual caution that he could never shake off, though, in another sense, it proved as hurtful as it was then necessary to his affairs. He spoke Dutch, French, English, and German equally well; and he understood the Latin, Spanish, and Italian; so that he was well

1 This was written in the reign of Queen Anne.

fitted to command armies composed of several nations. He had a memory that amazed all about him, for it never failed him. He was an exact observer of men and things. His strength lay rather in a true discerning and sound judgment than in imagination or invention. His designs were always great and good; but it was thought he trusted too much to that, and that he did not descend enough to the humours of his people to make himself and his notions more acceptable to them. This, in a government that has so much of freedom in it as ours, was more necessary than he was inclined to believe. His reservedness grew on him; so that it disgusted most of those who served him. But he had observed the errors of too much talking more than those of too cold a silence. He did not like contradiction, nor to have his actions censured; but he loved to employ and favour those who had the arts of complaisance; yet he did not love flatterers. His genius lay chiefly in war, in which his courage was more admired than his conduct. Great errors were often committed by him; but his heroical courage set things right, as it inflamed those who were about him. He was too lavish of money on some occasions, both in his buildings and to his favourites; but too sparing in rewarding services, or in encouraging those who brought intelligence. He was apt to take ill impressions of people, and these stuck long with him; but he never carried them to indecent revenges. He gave too much way to his own humour almost in everything, not excepting that which related to his own health. He knew all foreign affairs well, and understood the state of every court in Europe very particularly. He instructed his own ministers himself; but he did not apply enough to affairs at home. He believed the truth of the Christian religion very firmly, and he expressed a horror of atheism and blasphemy; and though there was much of both in his court, yet it was always denied to him and kept out of his sight. He was most exemplarily decent and devout in the public exercises of the worship of God; only on week-days he came too seldom to them. He was an attentive hearer of sermons, and was constant in his private prayers and in reading the Scriptures; and when he spoke of religious matters, which he did not often, it was with a becoming gravity. His indifference as to the forms of church government, and his being zealous for toleration, together with his cold behaviour towards the clergy, gave them generally very ill impressions of him. In his deportment towards all about him, he seemed to make little distinction between the good and the bad, and those who served well or those who served him ill. He loved the Dutch, and was much beloved among them; but the ill returns he met from the English nation, their jealousies of him, and their perverseness towards him, had too much soured his mind, and had in a great measure alienated him from them, which he did not take care enough to conceal, though he saw the ill effects this had on his business. He grew, in his last years, too remiss and careless as to all affairs, till the treacheries of France awakened him, and the dreadful conjunction of the monarchies gave

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so loud an alarm to all Europe; for a watching over that court, and a bestirring himself against their practices, was the prevailing passion of his whole life. Few men had the art of concealing and governing passions more than he had; yet few men had stronger passions, which were seldom felt but by inferior servants, to whom he usually made such recompences for any sudden or indecent vents he might give his anger, that they were glad at every time that it broke upon them. He was too easy to the faults of those about him when they did not lie in his own way or cross any of his designs, and he was so apt to think that his ministers might grow insolent if they should find that they had much credit with him, that he seemed to have made it a maxim to let them often feel how little power they had, even in small matters. His favourites had a more entire power; but he accustomed them only to inform him of things, but to be sparing in offering advice, except when it was asked. I had occasion to know him well, having observed him very carefully in a course of sixteen years. I had a large measure of his favour, and a free access to him all the while, though not at all times to the same degree. The freedom that I used with him was not always acceptable; but he saw that I served him faithfully, so that, after some intervals of coldness, he always returned to a good measure of confidence in me. I was in many great instances much obliged by him; but that was not my chief bias towards him. I considered him as a person raised up by God to resist the power of France, and the progress of tyranny and persecution. After all the abatements that may be allowed for his errors and faults, he ought still to be reckoned among the greatest princes that our history, or indeed that of any other country, can afford.1

XXVI.-JOHN DRYDEN.

Dryden was born at Aldwinkle, in Northamptonshire, in 1631. He was educated at Westminster School under the famous Busby, and afterwards removed to Cambridge, where, without making a brilliant figure, he acquired a respectable amount of scholarship. His first published work was a copy of highly laudatory verses on the death of Cromwell; but, changing his opinions, he, at the Restoration, celebrated the return of Charles II., in a poem entitled "Astræa Redux;" and from that time to the end of his life, his fertile pen issued poems, plays, and translations in rapid and almost uninterrupted succession. On the death of Davenant, he was created by Charles Poet-Laureate, a dignity which he enjoyed till the Revolution, when, having become a Papist to please James, he was removed by the Prince of Orange. Deprived of his pecuniary resources, he was again left to support himself by his pen, and he continued occupied in literary labour till his death in 1701. As a poet, Dryden is one of the greatest names in

1 The reader would do well to compare this character of William, sketched from personal knowledge, with that quoted from Macaulay in a subsequent part of the book.

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