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by the side of Washington, who invested him with a volunteer command during his stay. On both of these occasions he was one of the visiting committee from Congress.

The second year after his retirement, he was again induced to become a member of the national legislature and commenced his duties with the same zeal that had marked his whole career. The business of the nation was at that time more perplexing than when in the heat of the revolution. An empty treasury, a prostrate credit and a mammoth debt, presented a fearful contrast. To aid in settling the derangement in public affairs, he was an important member. Committee labours were heaped upon his shoulders as though he was an Atlas and could carry the world, or an Atalanta in the celerity of business. The local feelings and interests of the states began to be perplexing, and the half pay for life guaranteed by Congress to all officers who remained in the army during the war, was a source of dissatisfaction with many. This was finally settled by compounding the annuity for the full pay of five

years. In 1784, he was chairman of the important committee on foreign relations, and of the one to perform the onerous task of revising the treasury department. He also brought forward a resolution for the compensation of Baron Steuben, who had rendered immense service by introducing a system of military tactics and discipline, by which the armies of the United States were entirely governed, and which were strictly adhered to long after the revolution by the military throughout the union. This resolution was warmly supported by Mr. Jefferson, but owing, as I fondly hope, to the embarrassed situation of the financial department, it was lost. He also took a deep interest in the commerce of the republic, a subject which he understood well.

In 1785, Mr. Gerry closed his services in the Continental Congress. During that year he was arduously employed upon the committee on accounts. He also obtained the passage of his former resolution relative to public officers and elections and the appointment of members of Congress to office. At the close of the session he retired from public life for a season and settled at Cambridge, not far from Boston, with all the honours of a pure patriot and an able statesman resting upon him-crowned with the sincere and lively gratitude of a nation of freemen.

Time soon developed to the sages of the revolution that the articles of confederation which bound the colonies together when one common interest and impending dangers created a natural cement, were not sufficient to secure permanently the liberty they had achieved. Local interests engendered jealousies, these produced dissatisfaction, and this threatened to involve the government in anarchy. To remedy these evils, a motion was made by Mr. Madison, for each state to send delegates to a national convention for the purpose of forming a constitution. The proposition was sanctioned, and in May, 1787, the convention commenced its herculean task at the city of Philadelphia, in the accomplishment of which Mr. Gerry took an active and useful part. He was among those who did not sanction or sign the instrument as adopted, and participated liberally in the political abuse of the partisans who were opposed to him, not by the noble minded statesmen who differed with him in opinion, all honest in their views and patriotic in their motives. They soared above the acrimonious scurrility of venal party spirit.

After the constitution was adopted, no one manifested more zeal in adhering to it than Mr. Gerry; actuated, as on all other occasions, by the great republican principle—that the majority snust rule and be obeyed. He was elected a member of the first Congress under it, and did much towards raising the beautiful superstructure that now towers sublimely upon its broad basis. After serving four years he declined a re-election and again sought retirement. But this was of short duration. The relations between America and France had become deranged and threatened a disastrous result.

Mr. Adams, then president of the United States, determined on sending an able embassy to that government, and to make a strong effort to effect an amicable arrangement of difficulties before appealing to arms. General Pinckney was already appointed an ambassador to France. Mr. Gerry and Mr. Marshall, since chief justice of the United States, were appointed to join him in this delicate duty of diplomacy, empowered to act separately or collectively, as a sound discretion should dictate. On their arrival at Paris they were not treated with proper courtesy by the directory, and were not recognised as the official organ of their nation. Prudence and patience were necessary to prevent an immediate rupture between the two countries. They opened a correspondence with the French secretary of foreign affairs, and after many fruitless attempts to be met in a proper manner, Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall were ordered peremptorily to depart from the republic of France, and Mr. Gerry invited to stay. By his prudent, manly and firm course, he succeeded in allaying the angry feelings of the French nation, and prevented a war that for a long time seemed inevitable.

On his return he was placed upon the republican ticket as a candidate for governor of Massachusetts. Party spirit at that time was in its full vigour, and the federal party had' for a long time been in the majority. So popular was Mr. Gerry, that his antagonist

, Mr. Strong, was elected but by a small majority, and that resulted from the incorrectness of some of the returns, the former having actually received the largest number of votes. In 1805 he was upon the electoral ticket which succeeded. In 1810 he was elected nor of his state by a large majority, and ably discharged the duties of chief magistrate. He had never entered into partisan feelings and views, and in his first message pointed out, in a luminous manner,

the dangers arising from high toned party spirit, and did all in his to allay it. He felt and acted for his whole country and the general good. This deterioration from party caused him to lose bis election for the next term; the leaders of each having marshalled their forces in solid phalanx—the federal party, when consolidated, having always had a majority in the state since its distinctive formation.

For many years Mr. Gerry had anxiously desired to be excused



from the public duties of high and responsible stations, but no excuse was accepted. In 1813 he was inaugurated vice-president of the United States, and proceeded to discharge the devolving duties with great dignity and propriety. His impartiality, correctness and candour gained for him the esteem of the elevated body over which he presided to the last day of his eventful and useful life-thus teaching by example the principle of his precept, that "It is the duty of every citizen, though he may have but one day to live, to devote that day to the service of his country."

At the city of Washington a beautiful monument is erected to his memory, with this inscription:

The tomb of
Vice-President of the United States,
Who died suddenly in this city, on his way to the
Capitol, as President of the Senate,
November 23d, 1814,

Aged 70. In the review of the life of Elbridge Gerry the pure patriot finds much to admire and nothing to condemn, unless a man is to be condemned for an honest difference of opinion and for keeping aloof from high toned party spirit, which, for the sake of liberty, God forbid. His examples of devotedness to the good of his country, his untiring industry, his prudence, his discretion, his intelligence, and his moral virtues, are all worthy of imitation and shed a lustre upon his character. In private life he was highly esteemed and fulfilled its duties with the strictest fidelity. He was emphatically a useful man in every sphere in which he moved. No perils retarded him from the faithful performance of what he deemed duty. His purposes were deliberately formed and boldly executed. He was an honour to his country, to the cause of freedom, and to enlightened liberal legislation. He was truly a worthy and an honest man.


Every man is not designed by creative wisdom to become a Demosthenes or a Cicero; but every man of common sense has the power to be good and to render himself useful. If all were alike gifted with splendid talents, the monotony would become painful, and variety,

the very spice of life, would lose its original flavour. If all our statesmen i were eloquent orators and were affected by the mania of speech-mak: ing, as sensibly as most of our public speakers are at the present day, we should be constantly, as we are now frequently, overwhelmed with talk and have but little work finished. No one admires eloquence

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more than the writer, but the speedy accomplishment of business is of higher importance. Like our bodies that end in a narrow cell, the speeches of our legislators, although based upon the purest motives, dictated by the most enlightened understanding, decked with the beauties of intelligence, strengthened by the soundest logic and embellished with the richest flowers of rhetoric, receive their final fate from the approving Aye-or the emphatic No. I indulge no desire to extinguish these brilliant lights, or to snuff them too closely. The volume of their flame, often so large as to emit smoke, might safely be diminished and their wicks cut shorter. Brevity is the soul of wit, prudent despatch, the life of business. In the committee-room every man can be useful—the responsibilities of a vote bear equally upon each at the time and place he is called to act. Let the importance of no man be undervalued by himself or his compeers because he is not born with a trumpet tongue. If his head is clear and his heart right, he can do good.

Some of the most useful members of the Continental Congress seldom participated in debate, and the ablest speakers were remarkable for conciseness and for keeping close to the question under consideration. Among those who rendered essential services in the cause of the revolution, in a retiring and unassuming manner, was WILLIAM Paca, a native of Wye Hall, on the eastern shore of Maryland, born on the 31st of October, 1740. His father was a highly respectable and influential man, and bestowed upon William a good education, and planted deeply in his mind the principles of virtue and moral rectitude. He completed his classical studies at the college in Philadelphia, and in 1758 commenced the study of law at Annapolis. Industrious in his habits, and not fond of the public gaze, he applied himself closely to the investigation of that science which unfolds the nature and duty of man in all the relations of life, shows what he is and what he should be under all circumstances, unveils his passions, his propensities and his inclinations, carries the mind back through the abysm of times of light, of shadows, of darkness and of pristine happiness, and illuminates the understanding more than either branch of the sciences, it being a compound of the whole in theory and in practice. An honest and upright lawyer, who is actuated alone by principles of strict justice, pure ethics, equal rights and stern integrity, can do more to sustain social order and promote human happiness than a man pursuing either of the other professions.

Upon principles like these Mr. Paca commenced his practice, and upon a basis like this he built an enduring fame. He was esteemed for his clearness of perception, honesty of purpose, decision of character, prudence of conduct and substantial usefulness-all exhibiting a clear light, but not a dazzling blaze or an effervescent embrocation. Upon minds like his, the oppressions of the mother country made a gradual impression, that was deepened by the graver of innovation, and that all

the powers of earth could neither efface, deface, erase nor expunge. Thus it was with Mr. Paca—as chartered rights and constitutional privileges were more openly infringed by the British authorities, his soul became more strongly resolved on liberty or death.

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He was on intimate terms with Mr. Chase, who possessed all the requisites to command, while Mr. Paca possessed the indispensable acquisitions of a safe and skilful helmsman. With qualities thus differing, but with the same object in view, these two patriots commenced their

voyage upon the boisterous ocean of public life, at the same time and place.

Soon after he became a member of the bar Mr. Paca was elected a member of the legislature of Maryland, and discharged his duties to the entire satisfaction of his constituents. In 1771 he was one of the committee of three that prepared a letter of thanks from the citizens of Annapolis to Charles Carroll for his able advocacy of the cause of liberty, in a written controversy with the royal governor and his lackeys. In that letter the committee expressed a determination never to submit to taxation without representation, or to the regulating of taxes by executive authority-thus fully approving and sustaining the position taken by the distinguished citizen whom they addressed.

Mr. Paca was a member of the Congress that convened at Philadelphia in 1774, which rendered itself illustrious by proceedings of propriety and wisdom, such as would naturally flow from a mind like his. It is upon such men that we can always safely rely in times of peril and danger. They view every thing in the calm sunshine of reason and justice, and are never overwhelmed by the billows of foaming passion or sudden emotion. Always upon the terra firma of prudence, and always prepared for action, they are ready to render assistance to those whose more towering barks often get among the breakers.

Mr. Paca was continued a member of Congress until 1778, and rendered valuable services upon numerous and important committees. In 1775 he was a member of the one charged with providing ways and means to ward off the threatened dangers that hung frightfully over the cause of freedom in Virginia and North Carolina. He was also upon a similar committee for the aid of the northern department. About that time he joined Mr. Chase in furnishing a newly raised military corps with rifles, to the amount of nearly a thousand dollars, from their own private funds. His talents, his time and his fortune he placed in the fearful breach of his country's freedom. His examples had a powerful influence upon the minds of his reflecting friends, who had unlimited confidence in his opinions, always deliberately

When the declaration of independence was proposed, his feelings and views were decidedly in its favour, but his instructions from the assembly of Maryland were directly opposed to the measure. The members of that body considered the project as wild and futile, believing the power of the mother country suficient to crush all opposition. They only contemplated_redress--this they fondly but vainly hoped for. The course of the British authorities, however, soon furnished arguments, steeped in blood, that convinced them of the necessity of the course proposed in Congress, and about the first of July, 1776, they removed the injunction and left Mr. Paca and his colleagues to act freely without any restraint. The struggle between


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