to American history as most known to English readers: the history of the planting of North America in Virginia, New England, New York, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the Carolinas.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. This volume, originally intended for beginners in history, owes its vogue to the author's terse and flexible vernacular; his sense of harmonious and proportionate literary treatment; and that clear perception of the relative importance of details, and firm yet easy grasp of principles and significant facts, resulting from the trained exercise of his philosophic powers. The American Revolution' was first published in 1891; but the edition of 1896 is "illustrated with portraits, maps, facsimiles, contemporary views, prints, and other historic materials.» This work exhibits a delightful vivacity and dramatic skill in the portraiture of Washington as the central figure of the American revolt against the arbitrary government of George the Third. A full treatment of the earlier tyranny of the Lords of Trade, leading up to the crisis, is followed by Washington's entrance on the scene, at Cambridge, as commander-in-chief of the American forces. The military gains of Washington in spite of the enemy's large resources, and the varying fortunes of the patriot army, leading down through the discouragements of Valley Forge and up again, through the campaigns of the South and of Virginia, to final success, are shown by Mr. Fiske with remarkable clearness and skill. Finally he points out the broad results to all future civilization of the triumph of the Colonial cause, in the surrender of Cornwallis. His point of view is one with that of John Morley, who says: "The War of Independence was virtually a second English Civil War. The ruin of the American cause would have been also the ruin of the Constitutional cause in England; and a patriotic Englishman may revere the memory of Patrick Henry and George Washington, not less justly than the patriotic Ameri

can.»

THE CRITICAL PERIOD OF AMERICAN HISTORY, 1783-1789. In this volume Mr. Fiske's powers are especially tested, and his success in a great task conspicuously shown. The study which he makes of the characters of the two contrasted originators of policies, Washington and Jefferson, of the economic problems of the time, of the way in which the Tories or Loyal

ists were dealt with at the close of the war, and of the course of events in Great Britain upon the close of the Revolution, conspicuously illustrates his method, and his mastery of the materials of a story second to none in our whole national history in both interest and importance.

America, A History of the Civil War

in, by Philippe, Comte de Paris. In the summer of 1861, Philippe, Comte de Paris, joined the Northern army, rather as a spectator than as an active participant in affairs. He was appointed to McClellan's staff, and for a year followed the fortunes of the North. He returned to France with much valuable material concerning the history of that first year, to which he added, between 1862 and 1874, an equal amount of important information bearing upon the remaining years of the War. In 1875 the first volume of the translation was issued. Three other volumes appeared, in 1876, 1883, and 1888, respectively. The banishment of the Comte de Paris from France cut short the work, which has never been finished, but ends with the close of the account of the Red River Expedition under General Banks.

The historian writes from the point of view of an unprejudiced spectator. His object was not to uphold one side or the other, but to present to Europe a clear and impartial account of one of the most momentous struggles in history. As his work was addressed primarily to a European audience, much space is devoted to the conditions which brought about the conflict, to the formation and history of the United States army, and to the character of the country which was the scene of action. His is an essentially military history: marches and countermarches are described with an amount of detail which, but for the admirable clearness of style, would sadly confuse the lay mind. I his judgments, both of men and of events, the Comte de Paris is very impartial; though a slightly apologetic tone is often adopted in regard to the Administration, and a certain lack of enthusiasm appears towards many officers of Volunteers, notably in the later years of the war. This attitude of mind was doubtless due to his natural prepossession in favor of a regu lar army and an unchanging form of gov

ernment.

All things considered, this history re mains the standard military history of

the Civil War. Its clearness, impartiality, and scientific precision assure its position.

Am

merica and the Americans, from a French point of view, is a swift external judgment of civilization as seen in the United States of to-day. The spectator, whose knowledge appears too intimate to be that of a foreigner and a tourist, passes in review the streets, hotels, railroads, newspapers, politics, schools, homes, children, habits of thought, and manners and customs of social life, chiefly in the larger cities and watering-places of the country. He sets down naught in malice, even if he extenuates nothing. In the mirror which he holds up, the candid American sees himself at full length, as a very imperfectly civilized person, extravagant and superficial, placing far too much value on money and the material things of life, and far too little on genuine refinement and culture. The book is extremely entertaining, and the reader who takes it up in the proper frame of mind will not only read it through, but be apt to make the comment of Benedick: "Happy are they who hear their detractions, and can put them to mending."

A

merican Commonwealth, The, by James Bryce (the eminent historian of the Holy Roman Empire) is a study of the political, social, and economic features of what its author calls "the nation of the future »; and the most important study since De Tocqueville's 'Democracy.' Mr. Bryce deals with his subject in six grand divisions: Part i. treats of the federal government,-its executive legislative, and judiciary departments, with a survey of their powers and limitations; the relation existing between the federal government and the State governments; constitutional development and its results. Part ii. considers the State governments (including rural and city governments),

discussion of the "strength and weakness of democratic government as it exists in the United States.» Part vi. is confined to ncn-political institutions: the aspects of society, the intellectual and spiritual forces upon which depend, the personal and political welfare of unborn generations of American citizens; and upon whose success or failure rests the promulgation of American democratic ideals and principles among the nations. The work is lucidly written, free from technicalities, and fluent in style, so that it is as easy for the laity to comprehend, as for those initiated by practical experience into the workings of our government. The chapters dealing with the professional and social sides of American life, and especially those devoted to the American universities, have been

enthusiastically received by Americans,— some American universities accepting the work as a text-book in their schools of law, economics, and sociology..

merican Contributions to Civiliza

tion, and Other Essays and Addresses, by Charles W. Eliot: 1897. A collection of miscellaneous addresses and magazine articles, written during the last twenty-five years by the president of Harvard University; not, however, including any educational papers. The 'American Contributions' is the subject of the first only, out of about twenty papers. There are included also the very remarkable set of inscriptions prepared by President Eliot for the Water Gate of the World's Fair; that for the Soldiers' Monument on Boston Common; and those for the Robert Gould Shaw monument, commemorating the 54th Regiment Massachusetts Infantry. Through the entire volume there appear a grasp of conception, a strength and refinement of thought, and a clearness and vigor of style, very rarely found in writers on themes not involving imagination or making appeal to feeling.

and defects. Part iii. is devoted to the political machinery and the party system, giving a history of the origin and growth of political parties; their composition; their leaders, past and present; and their existing conditions and influences. Part iv. is concerned with public opinion,― its nature and tendencies; the means and causes for its control of all important issues in the various sections of the Union. Part v. gives concrete illustrations of the matters in the foregoing chapters, together with a

name given to a series of political articles by Thomas Paine. These articles are thirteen in number, exclusive of a 'Crisis Extraordinary' and a 'Supernumerary Crisis. The first and most famous, puolished in the Pennsylvania Journal, December 19th, 1776, began with the famous sentence, "These are the times that try men's souls.» «It was written during the retreat of Washington across the Delaware, and by order of the commander was read to groups of his dispirited and

of time, is the pains taken to show that the Revolution ought not to have created an almost hopeless feud between America and England, and that a correct understanding of its history is calculated to do away with this feud. The fasci

nation of Mr. Tyler's history is greatly heightened by its spirit of charity and fairness, and by his suggestions looking to complete future reconciliation between America and England.

England, Constitutional History of,

in its Origin and Development, by William Stubbs. (1875-78.) A work of the highest authority on, not merely the recognized developments of fundamental law, but the whole state of things constituting the nation, and giving it life, character, and growth. The three volumes cover the respective periods from the first Germanic origins to 1215, when King John was forced to grant the Great Charter; from 1215 to the deposition of Richard II., 1399; and from 1399 to the close of the mediæval period, marked by the fall of Richard III. at Bosworth, August 22d, 1485, and the accession of Henry of Richmond. The full and exact learning of the author, his judgment and insight, and his power of clear exposition, have made the work at once very instructive to students and very interesting to readers. The fine spirit in which it discusses parties and relates the story of bitter struggles, may be seen in the fact that its last word commends to the reader "that highest justice which is found in the deepest sympathy with erring and straying men.»

An additional volume of great importance is Professor Stubbs's 'SELECT CHARTERS AND OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, from the earliest times to the Reign of Edward the First, 1876. It is designed to serve as a treasury of reference and an outline manual for teachers and scholars. It follows the history for a sufficiently long period to bring into view all the origins of constitutional principle or polity on which politics have since built.

English Constitution, History of the,

by Dr. Rudolf Gneist. Translated by Philip A. Ashworth. (2 vols., 1886.) A history covering a full thousand years from the Anglo-Saxon foundation to the present. Hallam's Constitutional History only comes down to the last century, Stubbs's only to Henry VII.; and even

for the periods they cover, or that of Sir Erskine May's supplement, Dr. Gneist's work, though primarily designed only for the German public, is eminently worthy of a high place beside them among authorities accessible to English students. The same author's Student's History of the English Parliament' is a specially valuable handbook.

England, Constitutional History of,

since the accession of George III.: 1760-1871. By Sir Thomas Erskine May. The history of the British Constitution for a hundred years, showing its progress and development, and illustrating every material change, whether of legislation, custom, or policy, by which institutions have been improved and abuses in the government corrected. The work deals also with the history of party; of the press, and political agitation; of the church; and of civil and religious liberty. It concludes with a general review of the legislation of the hundred years, its policy and results.

English Constitution, The, and Other

Essays. By Walter Bagehot. (1867, 1885.) A very interesting discussion of the underlying principles of the English Constitution, by a thoroughly independent and suggestive thinker. The central feature of the work is its proof that the House of Commons stands supreme as the seat of English law, and that the throne and the Lords are of use to balance and check the Commons not directly, but indirectly through their action on public opinion, of which the action of the Commons should be the expression. By means of the cabinet, the executive government and the legislative Commons are a very close unity, and are the governmental machine, to which the Crown and the Lords are related only as seats of influence through which the public mind can be formed and can operate. He also shows that the function of the monarchy is not now that of a governing power, as once, but to gain public confidence and support for the real gov ernment, that of Parliament. "It [the monarchy] raises the army, though it does not win the battle." The lower orders suppose they are being governed by their old kingship, and obey it loyally: if they knew that they were being ruled by men of their own sort and choice they might not. Bagehot's work is a text-book at Oxford, and is used as such in American universities.