jects upon thefe points, and to reclaim them from the errors of Catholic fuperftition, were certainly neither evangelical nor wife. Infulting the minifters and relics of a cherished religion, and perfecuting its believers by penal enactments, were not furely very perfuafive expedients, either to make converts to Proteftantifm, or willing fübjects to government. Nihil eft enim exitiofius civitatibus, nil tam contrarium juri et legibus, nihil minus civile et humanum, quam compofita et conftituta Republica, quidquam agi per vim.' Cic. de leg.

The name of Sir John Perrot, one of the Irish governors of Queen Elizabeth, deferves particular notice and commendation in the hiftory of Ireland. Superior to mean prejudices, he took the old natives of the country under his efpecial protection; addresfed himself in a manner never attempted before to their generous feelings; and afpired, by mild, but vigorous measures, to bring the whole island, without diftinction of perfons, under one protecting conftitution. But this man, who fhewed himself capable of rebuilding a broken ftate, was foon compelled, by the oppofition of the English within the pale, and the want of support from his fovereign, to abandon his plans, and refign his authority into the hands of one (Fitzwilliam), as oppofite in principle, as he was inferior in capacity. We refer our readers to Leland, and other writers, for a full account of Perrot's fyftem and proceedings: meanwhile, we shall extract the following brief notice of them from our author.

• The scheme of Sir John Perrot was that alone, which, if carried into execution, could render this island an acquifition of any value to the English crown, or, indeed, prevent it from being a wasteful drain of blood and treasure from the English nation. By a fteady, ftrict and impartial execution, and gradual extenfion of English law, he wished to reduce all the inhabitants of the island into a state of uniform polity, reformation of manners, peace and profperity. Having published amnefty and affurance of protection to all who fhould return to their allegiance, and fent the fon of the deceased Earl of Defmond to England, to be rendered by education a fit object of royal favour, he proceeded to visit the several provinces, to prepare the way for the execution of his plan. Appointing fheriffs for the counties of Connaught, and marching to the north against fome Scottish invaders, who fled to their ships at his approach, he was attended with alacrity by the Irish chiefs of Ulfter, who teftified their wishes for the acceptance of English law, and agreed to the payment of an affeffment for the maintenance of eleven hundred foldiers without expense to the queen. For the carrying of his plan into effect, he petitioned the English government for the allowance of fifty thousand pounds a year during three years, reprefenting it as it really would have been, the cheapest purchase which England had anade for a great length of time. His requeft was declined by the eco

nomy

nomy of Elizabeth, who was engaged in the affiftance of the Dutch in their war against Spain; and even the abfurd and pernicious jealoufy of fome, left the people of this island, no longer weakened and impoverished by inteftine wars, fhould become independent of the English crown. Only a small fum of money was granted by the queen, who had afterwards ample reafon to repent, as the subsequent wars of Ireland, which would have been prevented, were the cause of a vaft and grievous expenditure. ' p. 275-6.

The Irish policy of Elizabeth, certainly contributes nothing to her reputation for wisdom and vigour; and in the regards which she bestowed upon her subjects in that country, there never was any great portion of tenderness. Her successor, James, had a passion for improving Ireland; but there was a large mixture of evil in his plans. The nature and tendency of his system of plantations, and other Irish measures, are by no means well deineated by this author. In his account of the great events of he succeeding reign, indeed of all that took place till the final ettlement of the island by King William, when the history of eland closes, our author invariably adopts the sentiments of that riter; sometimes making large quotations, and often borrowing, ithout any formal acknowledgment. Nothing that the author

call his own in the way of remark, or comment, or refleon, once intervenes during this long and variegated portion of htory, to mark the exercise of independent judgment. Nor is hby any means fortunate in the selection and disposition of the mter which he borrows; and some interesting pieces of informon are either altogether, omitted, or very inadequately given. Th, for example, we have no distinct account of the extent anoperation of the Catholic forfeitures, which effected such a sigl, indeed unexampled revolution, in the landed property of Iread. The act of settlement, we believe, transferred to Englishdventurers 7,800,000 acres; and the forfeitures, at the revolion, 1,060,793 acres. *

Ethe victories of William, and the total loss of their posses sion the Catholics were thoroughly brought under the yoke; but e war of arms was succeeded by the war of penal statutes, in oer the more completely to secure the prostration of these rebebus apostates. Under Queen Anne, the system of rigour and asement received new refinements: indeed, to use the langue of Burke, the severe and jealous policy of a conqueror in theude settlement of his new acquisition, was strangely made a perment rule for its future government. The author gives a very distinct view of the provisions and principles of the penal code; hd there is nothing of the spirit or philosophy of history.

See Plowden's Ireland, &c.

in

in his feeble and scanty reflexions. Our readers know, that, soon after the revolution, the British Parliament began to assume the right of legislating for Ireland, and of forcibly interfering to restrain and regulate Irish industry. We quote the following passage to make our readers acquainted with the author's manner of thinking upon these subjects.

Since, from the final fubmiffion of the Irish to William the Third, in 1691, this island remained, above a century, free from other than external war, the hiftorian of this period has happily little elfe to record than Parliamentary transactions; but, unhappily, these were fometimes of fuch a nature as, more permanently than war, to fink the nation in poverty and barbarism. In the peaceful period, fince the furrendering of Limerick, this country has been of important fervice to her fifter kingdom, but of vaftly lefs than fhe would have been, il the English Parliament had acted towards her with a policy guided by common fenfe, or common juftice. The glorious revolution of 1688 which established in England an unparalleled fyftem of civil freedom ⚫ was far from extending the benignity of its influence in the fame d gree to Ireland, where it only fecured the administration of intern government exclufively to the Proteftant inhabitants, while thefe far Proteftants, the conquerors, or the offspring of the conquerors of th country for the English Crown, were, in common with the Catholi, treated as a conquered people by the English Legislature, whose las, with equal cruelty and impolicy, precluded them from availing the felves of the fruits of their own industry.

II. 184.

The restraints, to which the author alludes, make, indeed a long chapter in the history of Irish grievances. Previous tahe restoration, we believe, the commercial privileges of the wo countries stood on the same footing; but, soon after that peod, it seems to have been discovered that the sister states had inthis respect very opposite interests, and that the wealth and resorces of the one would be greatly enlarged by diminishing the of the other. The restraining system was, as we have already aid, grievously extended after the revolution, and continued in full force till the year 1779, when the spirit of the country, bldly and successfully exerted itself in procuring a material relation. By the articles of Union, many of the remaining restraint were at length removed, and the commerce of Ireland again relaced on a footing of equality and reciprocity.

In the account here given of the reigns of George th First and Second, there is great lack both of matter and judment; insomuch, that the author stoops from the dignity of htory to to record political toasts, satires, and witticisms. He, too, Lord Chesterfield's administration is made to introduce he subject of his letters; and we have the authority of the ector of Kilegney to say, that this collection of paternal hortaties to fri

2

volity

volity and gallantry, attaches no blame whatever to his Lordship's character. We cannot say that the author is more judicious or instructive in his account of the present reign, than in the other parts of his work. His narrative, never very luminous, is, as uual, clumsily broken by frivolous, unmeaning, or inapplicable igressions. The French revolution introduces a long dissertaion; in the course of which, the author makes a discovery, which we must communicate to our readers, that Mr Burke's yook on that subject was written purely in revenge for the detruction of the Catholic religion in France, to which he avers hat statesman had a most heretical affection. Among other imjertinences, he moreover introduces a discourse upon the merits nd fate of his book on the rebellion; and this notable piece of gotism is quaintly entitled, the history of a history!' From all tis the reader must see, that our author never trifles with his sibject; that he faithfully adheres to his plan of noticing only what is important and interesting; in a word, that his notions of hstory are purely classical.

We should, however, give an unfair review of the book, did we not admit that the account of the rebellion is interesting, and, upn the whole characterized by a benevolent and manly spirit. It would not indeed be difficult to shew, that he occasionally offer inadmissible apologies for that arbitrary system which was ádoted upon the recal of Lord Fitzwilliam *; and throws the whle of that blame, which ought to be shared with the authors, upo the immediate agents of the system. But we gladly relinquis. strictures, which we could not pursue, without recurring to trnsactions but little accordant either with British magnanimityor British justice.

W must also remark, in favour of the author's liberality, that he is very decided for Catholic emancipation; and as his opinion has the sanction of local knowledge and experience, we quote his weds.

Amore kind-hearted and obliging people than the Catholics of Ireland I am perfuaded, can no where be found; and I muft confels that I fel for them a strong affection: Nor can I entertain a doubt of their involable attachment to the British government, if they were once fully admitted to an unqualified participation of its benefits.' P. 507.

Vol. II.

We

* We blieve, that the kind of proofs which the conful Pliny requires of a rood governor of a province, were never more abundantly produced thn upon that occafion. Volo ego qui provinciam rexerit, non tantum todicillos amicorum, nec urbana conjuratione eblanditas preces, fed decreta coloniarum, decreta civitatum alleget.' Panegyr. Traj.

We have nothing further to say of this book, but that it is as defective in composition as it is in all the higher attributes of history. The style is tame and loose, full of conceits, heavy expletives, and uncouth inversions. In short, we would exhort the reverend author to think no more of writing history, but to bestow his labour, where we hope he will reap more success upon the cultivation of his vineyard in the church.

ART. IX. Speech of Mr Deputy Birch in Common Council. March 5, 1807. London, 1807.

Speech of the Right Honourable Lord Hawkesbury, in the House f Lords, on Friday, the 10th of May 1805, on the Subject of the Catholic Petition. 2d Edition. London, 1805.

Cursory Reflections on the Measures now in Agitation, in favourf the Roman Catholics of the United Kingdom. By a Loyal Irishman. London, 1807.

WE HEN Sir John Throckmorton's publication on the subject of the Catholic claims came before us, * we were certainly impressed with an opinion, that, unless in an incidental maner, the subject would not again challenge our attention for some ime to come. Since, however, circumstances, at that time unoreseen, have called a new host of pamphleteers into play, and given the enemies of what we deem sound and liberal policyanother triumph, we will not be wanting to our duty, nor suffr the errors which we think have beguiled the multitude, to pass without refutation or reproof. What we shall offer will be little. Plain reasoning commonly lies in narrow compass; and nough we are no orators, as Deputy Birch is, we are still inclied to think, that some little effect may be produced by sober easoning, even opposed to his eloquence, though it flow mor sweet than the macaroon, and more ardent than turtle-soup.

It would be very foolish to contend, that all who oppose the pretensions of the Roman Catholics, are narrow and fanatical bigots, actuated by an intolerant hatred of those wh dissent from their own creed. They comprehend, unfortuntely, too large a portion of the public, to be reviled, or turned into ridicule. We may very possibly, in the present state of British opinion, belong to a minority; no good reason, we pesume, for concluding us to be in the wrong; but certainly a very proper nducement

* Vol. VIII. p. 311.