political combinations to form, no alliances to entangle us, no complicated interests to consult; and in subjecting all we have done to the consideration of our citizens, and to the inspection of the world, we give no advantage to other nations, and lay ourselves open to no injury.

It may not be improper to add, that to preserve this state of things and give confidence to the world in the integrity of our designs, all our consular and diplomatic agents are strictly enjoined to examine well every cause of complaint preferred by our citizens; and while they urge with proper earnestness those that are well founded, to countenance none that are unreasonable or unjust, and to enjoin on our merchants and navigators the strictest obedience to the laws of the countries to which they resort, and a course of conduct in their dealings that may support the character of our nation, and render us respected abroad.

Connected with this subject, I must recommend a revisal of our consular laws. Defects and omissions have been discovered in their operation that ought to be remedied and supplied. For your further information on this subject I have directed a report to be made by the secretary of state, which I shall hereafter submit to your consideration.

The internal peace and security of our confederated states is the next principal object of the general government. Time and experience have proved that the abode of the native Indian within their limits is dangerous to their peace and injurious to himself. In accordance with my recommendation at a former session of Congress, an appropriation of half a million of dollars was made to aid the voluntary removal of the various tribes beyond the limits of the states. At the last session, I had the happiness to announce that the Chickasaws and Choctaws had accepted the generous offer of the government, and agreed to remove beyond the Mississippi river, by which the whole of the state of Mississippi and the western part of Alabama will be freed from Indian occupancy, and opened to a civilized population. The treaties with these tribes are in course of execution, and their reinoval, it is hoped, will be completed in the course of 1832.

At the request of the authorities of Georgia, the registration of Cherokee Indians for emigration has been resumed, and it is confidently expected that one half, if not two thirds of that tribe, will follow the wise example of their more westerly brethren. Those who prefer remaining at their present homes, will hereafter be governed by the laws of Georgia, as all her citizens are, and cease to be the objects of peculiar care on the part of the general government.

During the present year the attention of the government has been particularly directed to those tribes in the powerful and growing state of Ohio, where considerable tracts of the finest lands were still occupied by the aboriginal proprietors. Treaties, either absolute or conditional, have been made, extinguishing the whole Indian title to the reservations in that state; and the time is not distant, it is hoped, when Ohio will be no longer embarrassed by the Indian population. The same measure will be extended to Indiana, as soon as there is reason to anticipate success. It is confidently believed that perseverance for a few years in the present policy of the government will extinguish the Indian title to all lands lying within the states composing our federal Union, and remove beyond their limits every Indian who is not willing to submit to their laws. Thus will all conflicting claims to jurisdiction between the states and the Indian tribes be put to rest. It is pleasing to reflect that results so beneficial, not only to the states immediately concerned, but to the harmony of the Union, will have

been accomplished by measures equally advantageous to the Indians. What the native savages become when surrounded by a dense population and by mixing with the whites, may be seen in the miserable remnants of a few eastern tribes, deprived of political and civil rights, forbidden to make contracts, and subjected to guardians, dragging out a wretched existence, without excitement, without hope, and almost without thought.

But the removal of the Indians beyond the limits and jurisdiction of the states, does not place them beyond the reach of philanthropic aid and Christian instruction. On the contrary, those whom philanthropy or religion may induce to live among them in their new abode, will be more free in the exercise of their benevolent functions than if they had remained within the limits of the states, embarrassed by their internal regulations. Now subject to no control but the superintending agency of the general government, exercised with the sole view of preserving peace, they may proceed unmolested in the interesting experiment of gradually advancing a community of American Indians from barbarism to the habits and enjoyments of civilized life.

Among the happiest effects of the improved relations of our republic, has been an increase of trade, producing a corresponding increase of revenue, beyond the most sanguine anticipations of the treasury depart

ment.

The state of the public finances will be fully shown by the secretary of the treasury, in the report which he will presently lay before you. I will here, however, congratulate you upon their prosperous condition. The revenue received in the present year will not fall short of twenty-seven millions seven hundred thousand dollars, and the expenditures for all objects other than the public debt, will not exceed fourteen millions seven hundred thousand dollars. The payment on account of the principal and interest of the debt during the year, will exceed sixteen millions five hundred thousand dollars; a greater sum than has been applied to that object out of the revenue in any year since the enlargement of the sinking fund, except the two years following immediately thereafter. The amount which will have been applied to the public debt from the fourth of March, 1829, to the first of January next, which is less than three years since the administration has been placed in my hands, will exceed forty millions of dollars.

From the large importations of the present year, it may be safely estimated that the revenue which will be received into the treasury from that source during the next year, with the aid of that received from the public lands, will considerably exceed the amount of the receipts of the present year; and it is believed that, with the means which the government will have at its disposal from various sources, which will be fully stated by the proper department, the whole of the public debt may be extinguished, either by redemption or purchase, within the four years of my administration. We shall then exhibit the rare example of a great nation, abounding in all the means of happiness and security, altogether free from debt.

The confidence with which the extinguishment of the public debt may be anticipated, presents an opportunity for carrying into effect more fully the policy in relation to import duties, which has been recommended in my former messages. A modification of the tariff, which shall produce a reduction of our revenue to the wants of the government, and an adjustment of the duties on imports with a view to equal justice in relation to all our national interests, and to the counteraction of foreign policy, so far as

it

may be injurious to those interests, is deemed to be one of the principal objects which demand the consideration of the present Congress. Justice to the interests of the merchant as well as the manufacturer, requires that material reductions in the import duties be prospective; and unless the present Congress shall dispose of the subject, the proposed reductions can not properly be made to take effect at the period when the necessity for the revenue arising from present rates shall cease. It is, therefore, desirable that arrangements be adopted at your present session to relieve the people from unnecessary taxation, after the extinguishment of the public debt. In the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which has distinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies, it is believed that this object may be effected without injury to any national interest.

In my annual message of December, 1829, I had the honor to recommend the adoption of a more liberal policy than that which then prevailed toward unfortunate debtors to the government, and I deem it my duty again to invite your attention to this subject.

Actuated by similar views, Congress, at their last session, passed an act for the relief of certain insolvent debtors of the United States; but the provisions of that law have not been deemed such as were adequate to that relief to this unfortunate class of our fellow-citizens, which may be safely extended to them. The points in which the law appears to be defective will be particularly communicated by the secretary of the treasury; and I take pleasure in recommending such an extension of its provisions as will unfetter the enterprise of a valuable portion of our citizens, and restore to them the means of usefulness to themselves and the community. While deliberating upon this subject, I would also recommend to your consideration the propriety of so modifying the laws for enforcing the payment of debts due either to the public or to individuals suing in the courts of the United States, as to restrict the imprisonment of the person to cases of fraudulent concealment of property. The personal liberty of the citizen seems too sacred to be held, as in many cases it now is, at the will of a creditor to whom he is willing to surrender all the means he has of discharging his debt.

The reports from the secretaries of the war and navy departments, and from the postmaster-general, which accompany this message, present satisfactory views of the operations of the departments respectively under their charge, and suggest improvements which are worthy of, and to which I invite, the serious attention of Congress. Certain defects and omissions having been discovered in the operation of the laws respecting patents, they are pointed out in the accompanying report from the secretary

of state.

I have heretofore recommended amendments of the federal constitution giving the election of president and vice-president to the people, and limit< ing the service of the former to a single term. So important do I consider these changes in our fundamental law, that I can not, in accordance with my sense of duty, omit to press them upon the consideration of a new Congress. For my views more at large, as well in relation to these points as to the disqualification of members of Congress to receive an office from a president in whose election they have had an official agency, which I proposed as a substitute, I refer you to my former messages.

Our system of public accounts is extremely complicated, and, it is believed, may be much improved. Much of the present machinery, and a

considerable portion of the expenditure of public money may be dispensed with, while greater facilities can be afforded to the liquidation of claims upon the government, and an examination into their justice and legality, quite as efficient as the present, secured. With a view to a general reform in the system, I recommend the subject to the attention of Congress.

1 deem it my duty again to call your attention to the condition of the District of Columbia. It was doubtless wise in the framers of our consti tution to place the people of this district under the jurisdiction of the gen eral government; but, to accomplish the objects they had in view, it is not necessary that this people should be deprived of all the privileges of selfgovernment. Independently of the difficulty of inducing the representatives of distant states to turn their attention to projects of laws which are not of the highest interest to their constituents, they are not individually nor in Congress collectively, well qualified to legislate over the local concerns of this district. Consequently, its interests are much neglected, and the people are almost afraid to present their grievances, lest a body in which they are not represented, and which feels little sympathy in their local relations, should, in its attempt to make laws for them, do more harm than good. Governed by the laws of the states whence they were severed, the two shores of the Potomac, within the ten miles square, have different penal codes not the present codes of Virginia and Maryland, but such as existed in those states at the time of the cession to the United States. As Congress will not form a new code, and as the people of the district can not make one for themselves, they are virtually under two governments. Is it not just to allow them at least a delegate in Congress, if not a local legislature to make laws for the district, subject to the approval or rejection of Congress? I earnestly recommend the extension to them of every political right which their interests require, and which may be compatible with the constitution.

The extension of the judiciary system of the United States, is deemed to be one of the duties of government. One fourth of the states in the Union do not participate in the benefits of a circuit court. To the states

of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, admitted into the Union since the present judicial system was organized, only a district court has been allowed. If this be sufficient, then the circuit courts, already existing in eighteen states, ought to be abolished: if it be not sufficient, the defect ought to be remedied, and these states placed on the same footing with the other members of the Union. It was on this condition, and on this footing, that they entered the Union; and they may demand circuit courts as a matter, not of concession, but of right. I trust that Congress will not adjourn, leaving this anomaly in our system.

Entertaining the opinions heretofore expressed in relation to the bank of the United States, as at present organized, I felt it my duty, in my former messages, frankly to disclose them, in order that the attention of the legislature and the people should be seasonably directed to that important subject, and that it might be considered and finally disposed of in a manner best calculated to promote the ends of the constitution, and subserve the public interests. Having thus conscientiously discharged a constitutional duty, I deem it proper, on this occasion, without a more particular reference to the views of the subject then expressed, to leave it for the present to the investigation of an enlightened people and their representatives.

In conclusion, permit me to invoke that power which superintends all

governments, to infuse into your deliberations, at this important crisis of our history, a spirit of mutual forbearance and conciliation. In that spirit was our Union formed, and in that spirit must it be preserved.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 13, 1831.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :THE accompanying papers show the situation and extreme peril, from which more than sixty of our fellow-citizens have been rescued by the courage and humanity of the master and crew of a Spanish brig. As no property was saved, there were no means of making pecuniary satisfaction for the risk and loss incurred in performing this humane and meritorious service. Believing, therefore, that this obligation devolved upon the nation, but having no fund at my disposal, which I could think constitutionally applicable to the case, I have thought honor, as well as justice, required that the facts should be submitted to the consideration of Congress, in order that they might provide, not only a just indemnity for the losses incurred, but some compensation adequate to the merit of the

service.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 15, 1832.

To the Senate and House of Representatives :—

BEING more and more convinced that the destiny of the Indians, within the settled portion of the United States, depends upon their entire and speedy migration to the country west of the Mississippi, set apart for their permanent residence, I am anxious that all the arrangements neces sary to the complete execution of the plan of removal, and to the ultimate security and improvement of the Indians, should be made without further delay. Those who have already removed, and are removing, are sufficiently numerous to engage the serious attention of the government, and it is due, not less to them than to the obligation which the nation has assumed, that every reasonable step should be taken to fulfil the expectations that have been held out to them. Many of those who yet remain, will no doubt, within a short period, become sensible that the course recommended is the only one which promises stability or improvement. And it is to be hoped that all of them will realize the truth, and unite with their brethren beyond the Mississippi. Should they do so, there would then be no question of jurisdiction to prevent the government from exercising such a general control over their affairs as may be essential to their interest and safety. Should any of them, however, repel the offer of removal, they are free to remain, but they must remain with such privileges and disabilities as the respective states within whose jurisdiction they live, may prescribe.

I transmit, herewith, a report from the secretary of war, which presents