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and in this part of the inquiry we cannot give him credit for much candour. The same unvaried tone of complaint is still kept up; and arguments are made to echo 10 events that are already deterÎnined, so as to appear specious and imposing to the superficial Teader. In short, he discovers nothing in the whole machinery " but-weakness and confusion, a total want of strength in the mas terials, of skill in the arrangement of the parts, of harmony iq their movements.” (p. 59.)

In proceeding to develope the errors which presided over the formation and operations of the league, England comes in for her full share of blaine." The couduct of the campaign is in many respects justly censured, but in such terms of asperity, and with such apparent triumph in the failure of our allies, as we think cannot be justified by any circumstances. Thus

Can we wonder,” he says, "that our affairs have been ruined amidst the waste of our resources, and the squander of our opportunities, when we have been inconsistent only in impolicy, lavish of every thing but vigour, and strenuous in pursuing all varieties of plan, all sorts of system, except those which border upon prudence and wisdom.” p. 92.

And again,

" It was not enough, then, that our fatal activity accomplished at last the subjugation of the continent; that our allies were, by our exertions, brought to utter discomtiture; we must hold them up to contempt after the struggle is over, by divulging secrets which the most limited discretion would have respected." p. 96.

He takes occasion to contrast this conduct with that of Wilļiam the Third, on whose sagacity and penetration he unneces sarily dilates through eight pages of his pamphlet. Having fully explained, as he states, io what causes England and Europe owe the misfortunes which have lately happened, be next proceeds to take a view. of the extent of those inisiortunes under the second division, intitled, Consequences of our late foreign policy. The triumphs of France, and the losses of the allies, are here made the topic of that high toned and even exulting declanation, which would have been natural in the mouth of a French orator, but which we should have thought our author's patriosiorge would have prevented him from employing on such a subject.

" We musi not deceive ourselves," says our author, “ the house of Austria is completely humbled; she must receive the law not from Vienna, but from Paris ; she has sacrificed inuch; but more she must be prepared to surrender if required, rather than run the last of risks, that of

Whaterer the sacrifice demanded may be, she must make it, whether treasure, or Iliances, or dignities, or territory ; or, what is worst of all, principles, if the enemy require her to join him in attacking Prussia, or turning against Russia, or sharing the plunder of Germany, or diyiding and pilkaging the Tu.k; she cannot now balance. Agitur de imperio.' France has Italy and the Tyrol; the people of Austria are brushed; the French are exalted and exulting.” p. 125.

a new war.

“ The only hope is gone," continues he in another page, “ which Holland, and Switzerland, and Italy, Ird of once more knowing inde. pendence. Henceforth the object of these unhappy states mos! be not to oppose France, but to moderate, if possibil the violence of her oppressions, they have England to thank for this reverse of prospects, and it is probably the last favour they will receive at hier hands.” p. 127.

Nor is this the most reprehensible part of the statement. A feeling of a stronger kind, more nearly approaching to indignation, takes possession of our breast, when we read the exaggerated statement of the facilities for invading our country, afforded by the is: sue of the continental war. “ The chances of the attempt being made, and the probability of its success are multiplied”-“ never was a country worse calculated for being the scene of military operations."--Before the coalition," every year that the attempt was delayed increased the enemies risk;", but now his successes, his reputation, his tranquillity, and our dejection; our ignorance of war, our supineness, &c. &c. all conspire to make us his prey whenever he chooses 10 take it. As if our national feeling had not been sufficiently wounded, the following figure concludes the statement of our ignominious situation.

“We might, for example,” says he, “ have stated the loss of character and influence which has attended so plain an exposure of our incapacity for continental affairs ; the conteinpt into which our assistance has fallen with every ally, reduced as it now has been to the mere payment of mo. ney; the pains we have taken to make them under-rate even those supplies which they were willing to receive, by pressing our gold upon all the world, and running from door to door to beg it might be accepted ; and, above all, the odium which we have incurred with the less enlightened part of the continent, with the people in every foreign state, in whose eyes we have appeared only as instigators of war, and as corrupters of their rulers for their destruction. From the effect of these impressions our name will not soon recover, and we may rest assured that the continent is at last heartily sick of our interference, and prepared to join with the enemy in his plan of excluding us from any voice in its affairs. But it was the less necessary to eriter upon such topics, that [because) they are naturally suggested by the previous discussions, and that [because] they tend in no way to modify the picture formerly drawn of our affairs; for it is our misfortune that we look around in vain for any circumstances which may soften its features, while it is impossible to imagine any addis Lion which can aggravate them.” p. 138.

This last assurance is the only favourable circumstance in our situation, and certainly relieves our ministers from any need of deliberation, or fear of responsibility.

It is indeed with difficulty that we can persuade ourselves that we are reading ihe work of an Englishman ; such declamation might grace the columns of the Moniteur; but it does' no credit to the pages of a British pamphlet. Let us also ask how it happens that our (noble :) author entirely overlooks the battle of Trafalgar, in this part of his disquisition on the state of the nation? The glory of the victor of Austerlitz, quite eclipses the achievements of our lamented Nelson, so that they are not once thought of! and yet, in the eye of an enlightened politician, they will a little affect the question of invasion! Partizans may call this oversight what they will; we cannot call it either truth or patriotism.

Under the third subdivision of this subject, viz. the state of foreign affairs, independent of the late coalition, we meet with the same round of censure on our conduct towards Spain, who the author contends, but without proof, might with better management have been converted into an ally. The Dutch, he informs us, never wished for our interference, they even dreaded the idea of making any effort to throw off the French yoke, and reflected on our interpositions in their affairs, as on so many injuries to their prosperity. Any inclination on the part of Switzerland to regain her liberties, even though the Swiss were united as one man, he co

considers as altogether desperate. An intolerable augmentation of their burthens would be the only consequence.

• The Cisalpine and the petty States of Germany, are, if possible, still more dependant on France. Their disposition to revolt unhappily signities nothing. For a long course of years they must submit in silence, however well inclined to rebel; and the worst service that the well wishers of European independence could render them, would be to stir up any premature attempt at effecting their deliverance." p. 157. ,

The subject of our conduct towards neutral nations, in their coinmercial intercourse with belligerent powers, next comes under review: and, as if England, we should have said the late administration, were fated to do every thing amiss, it is here also severely censured. The endeavour to resirict the French colonial trade in neutral bottoms, is represented to be futile and impolitic. “ The total gain of England upon these prohibitory operations, is the causing Frenchmen to drink their coffee some sous a pound dearer, which is a most pitiful advantage to us; and creating inconvenience to America, which is no advantage at all!!!" And should it have the effect of more essentially distressing the enemy, should it even go so far as to ruin their colonies, then he reprobates as the cruelty of a plan which would expose to ruin and massacre individuals, whose misfortunes would have . little influence on the policy of France.” How is it possible to please such an inquirer as our author ?-His arguments are not less, curious than his censures; “ for,” says he, we should not interfere with this neutral trade, because it transfers a large portion of commercial wealth, and a capacity of acquiring mari

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time power, to nations naturally allied to us by blood, by the relations of political interest, and by the intercourse of trade!

To such a succession of evils; arising from every kind of misconduct, have the new administration fallen beirs-a succession made up of all the dangers and difficulties, which a long course of mismanagement and misfortune has accuinulated upon the country!” p. 204.

At length dismissing the late administration with unmingled reprobation, he pangyrizes the present for what he presumes they are about to accomplish.

We doubt not but the abstract which we have given will have made apparent to our readers, what is evident to ourselves, that this work has been coinposed under the influence of a strong bias in favour of the one, and no little prejudice against the other. The partialities of attachment are admissible in political discussion, but that they should notoriously infringe the limits of justice and candour, is not to be tolerated, especially in one whose talents indicate that he ranks above the herd of servile writers. Indiscriminate censure can rarely be applicable to the measures of any body of men, who have not evidently abandoned all regard to moral principle; and it is not, we presume, on moral considerations, that the inquirer professes to raise the reputation of his friends upon the ruin of that of their predecessors. From warmth of feeling, or from inadvertency, he has overlooked a principle usually recognized in human affairs; that the issue of plans does not correspond, with a mechanical certainty, to the best devised measures of those who frame them. For this

suggestion we expect that we shall receive the author's acknowledge. ments, when he resumes his . Inquiry,' at the close of his party's administration.

It may even be doubted, whether they will feel inclined to take that advice which he so confidently gives, in concluding his disquisition, as the imperious dictate of our present situation and circumstances. Peace is indisputably a blessing of incalculable value; and we hope, with the writer, that our ministers, “ with all their efforts to carry on a vigorous war, will keep in mind, how peculiarly the great end of all warfare is desirable at the present crisis;” nevertheless, we trust that it is not yet necessary to receive it as a boon from the hands of our enemy, upon whatever terms he may please to grant it. If the present inqniry may be supposed to have any influence upon that inomentous question, either at home or abroad, we should conclude, that from the very humiliating picture which it draws of our capability to resist the power of France in protracted war, it would augment, rather than diminish, the difficulties of administration, in making such a peace as their duty requires. Of the talents and patrio

tism of our present ministers, we entertain an exalted opinion ; but we cannot place, in any human wisdoin or influence whatever, that dependence, of which the providence of God is the only legitimate object. Nor can we adınit the justice of transferring to them, or to any other administration, the whole culpability of those evils which it hath pleased the moral Governor of the world to inflict upon us, as the righteous recompense of our national crimes. Such imputations.befit not the Christian politician; and as our author does not decline to quote scripture, we conclude that he does not renounce this distinction. It would give us great satisfaction to see some able writer discuss the subject of the connexion which subsists between public guilt and public calamity, and with a bold and discriminating hand apply the deductions which scripture and experience furnish, to the inoral character and condition of society among us. Such an

Inquiry into the State of the Nation” we should hail with pleasure, as it would direct our attention to the radical cause of our misfortunes, while it would not tend to split us into discordant parties, by assigning them to the misconduct of this or that polit tical administration.

May the great Ruler of nations conduct our beloved country through the perils of our present situation, and bring us to observe and acknowledge his hand in the dispensation of his justice or of his bounty.!

Art. VII. A Defence of the Christian Doctrines of the Society of Friends,

against the Charge of Socinianism; and its Church Discipline vindicated, in Answer to a Writer who stiles himself Verax: in the Course of which the principal Doctrines of Christianity are set forth, and some Objections obviated. To wbich is prefixed, a Letter to John Evans, the Author of ( A Sketch of the Denominations of the Christian World.' By John Bevans, Jun. 8vo. pp. 279. Price 5s, 6d Phi

lips and Fardon, Johnson, &c. London. 1805. FROM the followers of Cerinthus, to the disciples of George

Fox, there are very few sects to which the rational Christians have not claimed some atiinity. Even heathen philosopiiers, deluded Mussulmen, corrupt and reprobate Jews have been associated to their cause. They have laboured to idena tify with themselves the Puritans of the 17th century, that the cause of liberty might seem connected with the prosperity of their opinions; and the slightest grounds have been thought sufficient to support an insinuation, that our greatest men in mathematical and metaphysical research ranked under the banners of Socinianism. In our own time, they have endeavoured to.persuade the 'Friends' that their original doctrines were Unitarian, that the majority of their number now maintains the same opi

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