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alleged as a grievance to Dissenters that they should pay taxes if any part goes to the Church. We freely admit the great grievance to them of an Establishment; we can easily comprehend how every Dissenter should, for the reasons already stated, object to all establishments whatever; but we are now upon the conseientious objection to paying money into a fund, part of which is to support the Church-an objection used as something peculiar and not falling within the scope of the general argument against an Establishment. Surely this is a groundless distinction. The whole government of the country, in all its branches, protects, maintains, supports the Church. Whoever pays taxes contributes to the support of the Church. This is necessarily involved in the very idea of an Establishment; and this is the very reason why the Dissenters have a right to oppose an Establishment. Thus the taxes which support the administration of justice and the police pay for the power which the parson has to enforce payment of tithe. But no Dissenter objects to the money he pays being so expended. The Quakers conscientiously object to tithe, and suffer their goods to be taken rather than pay. They have quite as strong an objection to war. But all the expenses of war are paid out of the taxes, and yet the Quakers never object to payment of all taxes during war. Why, while they know that part of every tax goes to warlike purposes, should they not make the objection to the payment of any tax which the Dissenters generally now make to charging the Church-rates on the consolidated fund ? A Dissenter, by paying taxes, would no more pay for repairing churches than a Quaker pays for equipping expeditions, the objects of which he utterly abhors.

The more the matter is considered, therefore, the more clearly will it appear that, in as far as regards the principle, there is no kind of difference between charging the expense of repairing churches upon the consolidated fund and upon the land revenue. But there is a material difference between either of these methods of settling the question and leaving it in its present stạie; for the grievance is much greater to the Dissenter of being assessed to pay the Church service and repairs in his own parish, where a majority, who, by the supposition, are members of the Establishment, provide partly at his cost for their own accommodation, in wbich he cannot share. The bulk of the objections to rates certainly is the objection which may be made to an Established Church generally; but part of the objection is peculiar to this method of making provision for the Church, and it is by much the most offensive and vexatious form in which the burden is cast upon those who do not conform to the Establishment. The transfer of this burden to the consolidated fund its objectionable, but not on

VOL. LXV. NO. CXXXII.

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principle more objectionable than transferring it to the Church lands. It is true that so much is saved to the public revenue by the latter plan, and to this extent it deserves the preference. But if after using the Church lands for the purpose, there is found to be a manifest necessity for more than the surplus can afford, in order to make the livings of the poorer clergy sufficient for their decent maintenance, and if after every thing shall be done which a better distribution of the other property of the Church can effeet towards accomplishing this object, the public revenue must in the end bear the burden; for as long as an Established Church shall be the settled policy of the country, there must be a decent maintenance provided for its clergy. Whether or not the whole property, as it is called, of the Church, is sufficient for this purpose, in whatever way distributed, has long been a question involved in great controversy. It is at least plain that all things must be tried to make the distribution, before any recourse is had to the ordinary revenues of the State,-those raised by taxations; and it is precisely because the measure lately propounded consists of a fair attempt to make this distribution, as far as the surplus is concerned, and because it casts the burden of the repairs upon the Church funds, that its principle has received such unqualified approbation from all who feel the necessity of reforming, and thus repairing and strengthening the Establishment,

The whole body of the Dissenters throughout England and Wales warmly approved of the plan. In this sentiment they were heartily joined by the greater part of those belonging to the Established Church who favour liberal opinions. By some oversight, the errors in the details of the measure were not corrected when the sense of the House of Commons was first taken upon the merits of the plan. This alarmed the lessees, and many steady reformers joined in their dislike to the proposition. A majority of twenty-three was all that could be persuaded to support it; and this on the subsequent division dwindled down to a majority of five, which sealed the fate of the measure for the present. There can be little doubt that the efforts which the Church party had made, and the misconception of the nature of the plan which had spread through the country during the long time allowed to intervene between the two stages of the proceeding, tended to influence many members who would otherwise have been most averse to withdrawing their support from the Government. Their conduct is, however, not the less to be lamented. They have given a serious blow to the cause of liberal opinions; they have made it appear that narrow, ligoted, and intolerant views bear a sway in Parliament, and have a vogue in the country far beyond what we can have tion;

any reason to believe is the case. The party to whom such views are dear, have, in consequence, become more sanguine, more active, and more daring. The doctrines, not merely of those who object to all Establishments, but of those who are friendly to the Church, yet anxious, both for its own safety and the interests of the community at large, to see it reformed, have received a check sufficient io arrest the progress they were making in the country. The stability of the Reform Government has been for a time endangered; and nothing but the successful issue of the approaching election can restore the cause of reform and of good government to the position which it occupied before the untoward occurrence happened. It is fit that these things should be distinctly stated, in order that lukewarm and timid, though well-intentioned supporters of liberal opinions, may be aware of the mischief which ensues from suffering themselves to be alarmed by the clamour so easily raised upon questions of this descrip

while their mérits are imperfeetly understood by one part of the community, and industriously misrepresented by another. Thát sufficient pains were not taken to make the plan better understood, as well as to meet the first objections urged against it, and remove the occasion of those objections which were well founded, is equally to be lamented and blamed. The lesson which this experience is fitted 10 convey, will not, we may confidently hope, be thrown away; and a new Parliament may be expected to settle satisfactorily for all parties a question, in the final arrangement of which all have a very deep interest.

We commenced this article by rendering justice to the author of the tract; the title of which is placed at its head. It was published in January, and contains, with some remarks and some opinions in which we do not concur, a distinct outline of the plan brought forward in March by the Government. the details, especially as relating to lessees, he is of course not answerable, because he does not enter into them. We subjoin the statement in his own words; premising that although he speaks of impropriate tithes only, and the Government plan regards Church lands, there is no difference whatever in principle, in the modes of dealing with these two kinds of Cathedral property :

'1. That the power of leasing these impropriate tithes should be taken from the bishops and dignitaries of the Church altogether, and vested in commissioners.

• 2. That a return be made to the commissioners of the amount of fines received on the leasing of such tithes, for a period of time salliciently long to afford a fair yearly average.

• 3. That the value of the tithes of such impropriations, levied by the lessees, during the same period of time, be as far as possible ascertained; in aid of which enquiry, the overseers of the poor, in parishes where such lessees are assessed to the poor's-rate, might be applied to.

• 4. That, on compensation being awarded to the lessees, for the surrender of their leases, or as those leases expire, the commissioners levy such impropriate tithes on the public account.

5. That,' from the tithes thus levied by the commissioners, be paid, yearly, to the bishops and dignitaries of the Church, a sum equal to the yearly proportion of the fines received by them, during the time taken for fixing the average.

66. That the surplus be appropriated to provide for the CHURCHRATES, the AUGMENTATION OF SMALL LIVINGS, and to any other PUBLIC SERVICES.'

Art. VII.—England under Seven Administrations. By ALBANY

FONBLANQUE, Esq. 3 vols. 8vo. London : 1837.

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The most favourable point of view in which modern civilisation

can be regarded is its diffusive spirit, and the fact that its principal productions, almost of every kind, are readily distributed and capable of being generally enjoyed. In the earlier periods of history human nature seems to rise to a greater height here and there in individual instances; and this or that particular order and profession stand out in more picturesque relief. But men, as social beings and members of a community, have been infinitegainers by the character which the last two centuries have decisively impressed upon modern Europe. Here, as in other cases, first appearances are so far deceitful, that the effect of the progress of society in this respect is as easily, as it is frequently, misrepresented. If nature has but few favourites, and those individuals rather than classes, civilisation tends to reduce the value even of these exceptions, and to equalize the rights and enjoyments of the family of mankind. In proportion as a people is prudent enough to take advantage of the opportunities which civilisation presents at its several stages, the laws by which a well-constituted society will be regulated and move onward, are found to be as clear and comprehensive as the most uniform laws of nature. In this manner the conveniences of life, and the resources of art and science, may gradually become accessible to all, in the same sense, at least, and to the same extent as natural blessings. It is very evident that even our literature is taking this turn at present.

Voltaire has drawn a brilliant picture of a single day of Athenian greatness, when some favoured citizen, after listening to

Pericles in the Assembly, and worshipping with Phidias in the Parthenon, could adjourn from a play of Sophocles to a supper with Aspasia. The genius of antiquity in its most triumphant combinations was the privilege only of a few, and that for a single generation. It could neither perpetuate itself nor spread. How different in this from the universal empire to which modern civilisation seems advancing; especially under the snarvels and the influence of our own age and country! The English picture, it is true, is a great deal less poetical; but it makes up for that inferiority by the substantial nature of its subject, and in the numbers who can share the advantages which it bodies forth. What a time it would take to make a Roman Emperor or a Feudal Baron understand the felicities and comforts, the cultivation, independence, and self-respect, which may now be realized in the daily life of every skilful and provident mechanic. The cheap and rapid journey by railroad or steam-boat, the warm glasswindowed home, the clean shirt and cotton stockings, the farbrought luxuries of the tea-table and the pipe, his small shelf of well-adapted knowledge, and, above all, his newspaper. How has the last, with its hundred eyes and hundred hands, been searching and ransacking the world in his behalf, and collecting for him, from every quarter, tidings of whatever has happened, great or small, instructive or amusing, the week that he has been away! The rich and great seem now often hard put to it to find exclusive distinctions for themselves. The physical wellbeing of a community is, we admit, an indispensable basis for every thing else. Without it, all the rest is fearsully insecure. Political economy has charge of that. But on that basis, when its conditions are once thoroughly understood and complied with, a higher average of virtue, learning, and accomplishment--of moral and intellectual pleasures--must, under existing circumstances, necessarily follow, than, we believe, the body of a people ever before attained.

In the future, which we are anticipating, newspapers will have to perform an important part. They are already an essential element and symbol of the peculiar spirit and tendency which characterise our civilisation. There is no place to which they do not penetrate; no object which they may not serve; no description of person to whom they are not welcome. The readers of the Task’ gratefully remember how much they contributed to enliven tho winter evenings of a retirement as profound as Cowper's. Paley, whose wisdom is always shown in making the most of every pleasure, dwells upon a newspaper as one of the grave advantages of a free government. Its necessity in the present times

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