of a free government, but absolutely necessary to its existence; it is at once the vital principle and the sustaining power. The experience of the past has told us, that wherever there has been mental and moral light, there has been liberty; and whereever the people were ignorant, there was slavery. Since this is so, ignorance, which might be a misfortune in another country, is a crime in this; especially, since the means of knowledge are within the reach of every individual. In this republic, the intelligence of each individual is the depository and defence of his liberty. The free institutions of the United States are not secured by armies, revenues, or constitutions; but by universal education. The education of the people stands in the place of armies, bulwarks, and a throne. Knowledge and virtue are not only power and happiness, but they are "Liberty."

In the first place, knowledge is necessary to perceive the nature and value of literary and civil institutions. The half-educated may know enough to desire these, but not enough to respect and sustain them. The illiterate cannot see the nature and object of literary institutions, which are to liberate the mind, and raise the intellectual and moral condition of a nation—to increase the necessaries, and furnish the elegances of life; and to let man feel and know the greatness of his nature. This can be known by those only who have felt the power, and tasted the pleasures of knowledge; and such institutions can be established and sus

tained by those only who can estimate their exalting influence. The nature and value of civil institutions, the educated will much better understand and honour. A high degree of knowledge is requisite to see the nature and necessity of civil government. Man's weakness makes society desirable, and his wickedness makes government necessary. This government he supports to protect his life, his property, and his natural rights. The great object of government is to preserve order and distribute justice. The intelligent can estimate the value of such a public check and judge; for they can see the consequences of the selfishness and maliciousness of men.

Men, living in a civil government, have natural and civil rights; and knowledge becomes necessary that they may know when justice is administered. And, in the first place, men should know what their rights are; how many of them they have surrendered up to the general government, that they may enjoy its protection and the advantages of society; and what rights they have retained, and of which nothing should deprive them.

Having learned their rights, they should know whether or not they were respected by their rulers. When there is fraud and injustice on the part of those who govern, the governed should be intelligent enough to know it, and able to defend themselves. The natural love of power, and the extreme selfishness of man, should excite him for preparation to judge of those who are in office, and have

the opportunity of gratifying these oppressive principles. Respect and obedience are due to those in office, for they are the guardians and ministers of that government which has been established for the promotion of human happiness. But corrupt rulers may forfeit their claims by personal wickedness and public injustice; and if this should take place, the public should be able to perceive it, and stop the abuses before their liberties are in danger.

On the other hand, the half-educated know not when their government is well administered. They are discontented and clamorous when they have their rights, and all the blessings of a well-ordered administration. They know not the value of the privileges they enjoy, and are always ready for a change in their rulers. They see not the excellences of their civil institutions, and do not feel respect enough for them to preserve them. In a government where the people not only make the laws, but select those who are to administer them, there is the most imperious necessity for high intelligence and moral worth in every individual. The people should well understand their government, and be qualified to know that it is ably and justly administered; or whether it is not made the instrument of gratifying the ambition of the few, and of destroying the rights and of oppressing the many. The people should be educated to know whether or not they are restrained by any law which does not conduce to the greatest private and general good. The people may see evils, but

they ought to be able to take that general view of the whole which would show them advantages (if there were such) which more than overbalance these evils.

In this government, justice is very often administered by a jury and as this jury is taken from among the people, all should prepare themselves for being called upon to apply the law, and judge of the rights of their fellow-men. In the inferior courts of justice, the people are the judicial as well as the legislative part of the government. These important offices demand intelligence in every citizen. When those who are to be chosen for jurors are known to be ignorant or corrupt, dishonest individuals will claim the rights of others, and hope, through the known imperfection of the jury, to obtain those unjust demands which they are certain that right and the law would deny them. Thus, the ignorance of men may be the loss of their rights, when they themselves are to be judges. It is desirable, too, that there should be general intelligence to ensure uniformity in jury decisions; for nothing excites a spirit of litigation more than uncertainty. When men differ, they should see the certainty of the decisions of the · law. Again, the laws were made to keep men honest. If they are disposed not to be so, the law may compel them. It hence becomes necessary to know when we should ask assistance from the laws, or, in other words, when litigation is necessary and justifiable. To judge correctly in this,

we must know what our rights are, and how far the law may assist us in securing them; and this presupposes general information, obtained only by much study and reading; but which all may get if they will avail themselves of all the means of knowledge which may be obtained.

Knowledge is necessary, to see the effect of crime, and the justice of punishment. The natural and certain effect of crime, if it is not prevented, is to subvert human government, and to destroy the peace and happiness of society. Men live together, because society increases their comforts, but the effect of crimes would soon prevent all these advantages, and make a solitary life preferable to a social one. The full extent of the injury of crimes is seldom seen, especially by the illiterate and unthinking class. The particular injury may be seen or felt, but the general injury, the effect particular crimes have upon the whole community, is not so readily seen. The general effect, however, often becomes the greatest injury, and men should be able to trace the destructive influence of crime through all its relations.

The mischiefs of perjury in all their bearings are seen but by few. Men are obliged to put trust in each other's testimony; all judicial redresses proceed on the belief that men will tell the truth. Consequently, a man that speaks falsely may deprive an honest man of his property, his reputation, and his life. A false witness may do this great wickedness and not be discovered; thus it is evi