in sentiment and in interest. To all this, let there be added the certainty of the immediate interference of England, so powerful and so near, should the Catholics attempt to assume, as is asserted, "the whole power of the state."

But the great test, experience, is the best proof of the futility of such an apprehension. The Catholics of Ireland were once in full possession of all privileges and franchises, including those of sitting and voting in Parliament; their numbers were then much greater, comparatively, than they now are; they possessed a very large proportion of the property of this country, at that time unbroken in upon by the force of penal laws, by the conformity of many of their ancient families, and by the legalized plunder of reiterated bills of discovery. In that situation, in the plenitude of their power, they were unable to prevent the passing of those very penal laws which have gradually deprived them of their property, of their civil rights, and more particularly of the elective franchise. Is it then likely, is it possible, that the restoration of those rights would enable them, in their weakness and depression, to extort what in their vigor and full possession they found themselves unable to retain ?

But it is said that the Catholics should be "content with the "most perfect toleration of their religion, the fullest security "of their property, and the most complete personal liberty." With regard to toleration, persecution may be negative as well as positive. The deprivation of political rights, because of the exercise of any religion, is for so much a persecution of that religion. Of the security of their property enough has been already said to explain how Catholics stand in that respect; but, if it were otherwise, security of property and personal liberty are rights without a respect to which society could not be supported. Protection and allegiance are duties corresponding and inseparable. By their peaceable demeanor as good subjects, the Catholics have executed their part of the contract, and that Government, to whose support they contribute, is bound, in return, to defend them. And it is humbly submitted whether it be not a strong and striking proof of the abject state of the Catho lics of Ireland, that it should be held out to them as ground for acquiescence and contentment, that they cannot be robbed without redress, or imprisoned with impunity; or, in other words, that without any alleged delinquency on their part, they are VOL. I-55

treated as outlaws in their native land. Even the security and toleration which it is alleged they possess, they hold but by sufferance; for, unconnected as the Catholics are with the legislature, they can have no influence; and it is again submitted to the feelings of our Protestant brethren, whether they would be content to hold their religion, liberty, and property, by so precarious a tenure, as the humanity of men who owe them no responsibility, over whose conduct they had no control, and whose interests, or whose passions, might be gratified by an invasion of their dearest rights.

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The Committee have hitherto confined themselves to the abstract merits of their case, but they have other arguments to allege. By the treaty of Limerick, in 1691, at least a very considerable part of the Catholics of Ireland, on condition of their surrendering to the Generals of King William, that city, and above one third of this kingdom, then in their hands, and which they were in a condition well to have maintained, were secured in all and every their estates of freehold and inheritance; and "all the rights, titles, interests, privileges, and immunities, "which they and every or any of them held, enjoyed, or were "rightfully and lawfully entitled to in the reign of King Charles "II, or at any time since." And this treaty was confirmed with as much solemnity as any in the records of history, by the Lords Justices of Ireland, by King William and Queen Mary, and finally by Parliament, whereby the public faith was pledged in the strongest and most binding manner. Yet, notwithstanding this solemn and sacred obligation, a multiplicity of cruel, unjust, and tyrannical laws, have, from time to time, been enacted, many of which are still in full force and vigor, abolishing and restraining the rights and privileges of all Catholics, indiscriminately and without distinction, and more particularly depriving them of the elective franchise. And this glaring infraction of the law of nations, and of the first principles of natural justice, a violation which should call down the vengeance of Heaven on the heads of those guilty thereof, was perpetrated in an hour of full and perfect security, as a wanton act of power, and without any delinquency, alleged or proved, on the part of the Catholics, to afford a pretext for so infamous and notorious a dereliction of every thing like public principle or national honor. And the Committee are well warranted in asserting this, inas

much as the Catholics have, in the surrender of Limerick and their arms, and by their peaceable and dutiful deportment as good and loyal subjects from that hour to the present, faithfully and religiously observed, on their part, a treaty so solemnly entered into and so speedily and so unprovokedly violated on the part of their adversaries.

And now that the General Committee have fairly and fully exposed the conduct, the motives, and the principles of the Catholics of Ireland, they conclude, with a most sincere and earnest entreaty to every member of their communion, carefully to abstain from any act which, however remotely, can tend to riot or disorder. After a century of unvarying good conduct, through the most severe oppression, the Committee relies that the Catholics will not now tarnish their character by any act of intemperance when the hour of their emancipation rapidly approaches. Professing their sincere attachment to the Constitution, as established in the three estates of King, Lords, and Commons, into which Constitution it is their highest ambition to be admitted, the cause of the Catholics is respectfully committed to the justice, humanity, and public spirit, of their countrymen.

APPENDIX-No. I.

GENERAL COMMITTEE,

DUBLIN, March 17, 1792.

DECLARATION OF THE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.

Whereas certain opinions and principles, inimical to good order and government, have been attributed to the Catholics, the existence of which we utterly deny; and whereas it is, at this time, peculiarly necessary to remove such imputations, and to give the most full and ample satisfaction to our Protestant brethren, that we hold no principle, whatsoever, incompatible with our duty as men or as subjects, or repugnant to liberty, whether political, civil, or religious:

Now, we, the Catholics of Ireland, for the removal of all such imputations, and in deference to the opinion of many respectable bodies of men and individuals among our Protestant brethren, do hereby, in the face of our country, of all Europe, and before God, make this our deliberate and solemn declaration:

1st. We abjure, disavow, and condemn the opinion, that Princes, excommunicated by the Pope and Council, or by any ecclesiastical authority whatsoever, may, therefore, be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other persons. We hold such doctrine in detestation, as wicked and impious: and we declare that we do not believe, that either the Pope, with, or without a General Council, or any Prelate or Priest, or any ecclesiastical power whatsoever, can absolve the subjects of this Kingdom, or any of them, from their allegiance to his Majesty King George III, who is, by authority of Parliament, the lawful King of this realm.

2d. We abjure, condemn, and detest, as unchristian and impious, the principle that it is lawful to murder, destroy, or any

ways injure any person whatsoever, for, or under the pretence of being heretics: and we declare solemnly before God, that we believe that no act, in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by, or under pretence or color, that it was done either for the good of the church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever.

3d. We further declare, that we hold it as an unchristian and impious principle, that "no faith is to be kept with heretics." This doctrine we detest and reprobate, not only as contrary to our religion, but as destructive of morality, of society, and even of common honesty; and it is our firm belief, that an oath made to any person, not of the Catholic religion, is equally binding, as if it were made to any Catholic whatsoever.

4th. We have been charged with holding, as an article of our belief, that the Pope, with, or without the authority of a General Council, or that certain ecclesiastical powers, can acquit and absolve us, before God, from our oath of allegiance, or even from the just oaths and contracts entered into between man and

man.

Now, we do utterly renounce, abjure, and deny, that we hold or maintain any such belief, as being contrary to the peace and happiness of society, inconsistent with morality, and, above all, repugnant to the true spirit of the Catholic religion.

5th. We do further declare, that we do not believe that the Pope of Rome, or any other Prince, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, directly, or indirectly, within this realm.

6th. After what we have renounced, it is immaterial, in a political light, what may be our opinion, or faith, in other points, respecting the Pope: however, for greater satisfaction, we declare, that it is not an article of the Catholic faith, neither are we thereby required to believe or profess that the Pope is in"fallible," or that we are bound to obey any order, in its own nature immoral, though the Pope, or any Ecclesiastical power, should issue or direct such order; but, on the contrary, we hold, that it would be sinful in us to pay any respect or obedience thereto.

7th. We further declare, that we do not believe that any sin, whatsoever, committed by us, can be forgiven at the mere will