1780.

chieftain or prince, who governed a hilly district of considerable extent, lying on CHAP. III. the Jumna, between the territories of Scindia and the Nabob of Oude, the Governor-General proposed a treaty, by which the Ranna might be empowered to call for the assistance of the English against the Mahrattas, of whom he stood in constant danger, and should agree to assist the English with his forces, when they should undertake any enterprise against the adjoining powers. The Governor-general, who contemplated the continuance of the war with the Mahrattas, proposed this alliance, both as a barrier against an invasion, in that direction, of the territory of the Company or their allies; and as an advantage, by there invading the territory of the Mahrattas, for operating a diversion in favour of the enterprises which might be undertaken on the side of Bombay. The measure was opposed by the opposite side of the Board, both on the ordinary and general ground of the importance of abstaining from war, and also in consideration of the weakness of the Ranna, who had few troops, and not revenue to pay even those whom he kept. Of him, in consequence, the aid would be of little avail, and the protection a serious burden. In the objections of the opposing party the General concurred; and even transmitted his protest against the terms of the connexion. But, as he was absent, the casting vote of the Governor-General gave his opinion the superiority, and the treaty was formed.

ham distin

ing the Ranna.

In the mean time intelligence arrived by a letter from General Coote, dated Captain Popthe 20th of November, of an invasion of the territory of the Ranna, by a body guishes himof Mahrattas, whom his want of resources made it impossible for him to resist. self in defendInstructions were dispatched to afford him such assistance as the exigency of the case might require, and the state of the English forces permit. A detachment of the Company's army had been prepared in that quarter, under the command of Captain Popham, for the purpose of augmenting the forces of Goddard; but from the consideration, partly that they could not arrive in time on the Bombay coast, partly that they might contribute to the success of his operations by an attack upon the part which was nearest of the Mahratta frontier, they had not been commanded to proceed; and in the beginning of February, 1780, they were sent to the assistance of the Ranna of Gohud. Captain Popham found means in this service of distinguishing his enterprise and talents. With a small force, and little assistance from the Ranna, he expelled the Mahrattas from Gohud; crossed the Sind, into their own territory; laid siege to the fortress of Lahâr, the capital of the district of Cutchwagar; and having effected an imperfect breach, which the want of heavy cannon enabled

Book V. him not to complete, he, on the 21st of April, successfully assaulted and took possession of the fort.

1780.

It had, however, been importunately urged, both by Coote and Goddard, and was acknowledged by the Governor-general, that the force employed on the Mahratta frontier under Captain Popham was far from adequate to any such important operations as could materially affect the result of the war. After some fluctuation of plans, and great debate and opposition at the Superior Board, in which Mr. Francis in particular vehemently opposed the extension of military efforts, it was determined that a detachment of three battalions, stationed at Cawnpore, under Major Carnac, with a battalion of light infantry, under Captain Browne, should threaten or invade the territories of Scindia and Holkar. Takes the ce- In the mean time Captain Popham, with the true spirit of military ardour, after tress of Gua- securing with great activity the conquest of the district of Cutchwagar, turned

lebrated for

lior.

his attention to the celebrated fortress of Gualior, situated within the territory
of the Ranna of Gohud, but wrested from his father, and now garrisoned by
the Mahrattas. This fortress was situated on the summit, three coss in extent,
of
a stupendous rock, scarped almost entirely round, and defended by a thousand
men. By the princes of Hindustan it had always been regarded as impregnable.
And Sir Eyre Coote himself, in his letter to the Supreme Council, dated the
21st of April, had pronounced it "totally repugnant to his military ideas, and
even absolute madness," to attack it with so feeble a detachment, and without
a covering army to keep off the Mahrattas in the field, and preserve the line of
communication. Captain Popham moved to the village of Ripore, about five
coss distant from Gualior, and employed his spies in continually searching if a
spot fit for escalading could be found. After many and dangerous experiments,
they at last brought him advice that one part only afforded any appearance of
practicability. At this place the height of the scarp was about sixteen feet,
from the scarp to the wall was a steep ascent of about forty yards, and the wall
itself was thirty feet high. "I took the resolution," says Captain Popham,
“immediately. The object was glorious: and I made a disposition to prevent,
as much as in my power, the chance of tarnishing the honour of the attempt,
by the loss we might sustain in case of a repulse." At break of day, on the 3d
of August, the van of the storming party arrived at the foot of the rock.
Wooden ladders were applied to the scarp; and the troops ascended to the foot
of the wall. The spies climbed up, and fixed the rope ladders, when the Sepoys
mounted with amazing activity. The guards assembled within, but were

༡

1780.

quickly repulsed by the fire of the assailants. The detachment entered with CHAP. III. rapidity, and pushed on to the main body of the place. In the mean time the greater part of the garrison escaped by another quarter, and left the English masters of one of the greatest and most celebrated strong holds in that quarter of the globe. This brilliant achievement, for which Captain Popham was rewarded with the rank of Major, struck the Mahrattas with so much consternation, that they abandoned the circumjacent country, and conveyed the alarm to Scindia in his capital:*

The opposition which was made by Francis to these proceedings for pushing Duel between Mr. Hastings the war on the Jumna, brought to a crisis the animosities which the struggle and Mr. Franbetween him and the Governor-General had so long maintained. On the 20th cis. of July, 1780, Mr. Hastings, in answering a minute of Mr. Francis, declared, "I do not trust to his promise of candour, convinced that he is incapable of it. I judge of his public conduct, by my experience of his private, which I have found to be void of truth and honour." The ground of these severe expressions, the Governor-General stated to be a solemn agreement formed between him and Mr. Francis, which Mr. Francis had broken. Of this transaction the following appear to have been the material circumstances. When the parliamentary appointment, during five years, of the Governor-General and Council, expired in 1778, the expectation of a change in the Indian administration was suspended, by the re-appointment, upon the motion of the King's chief minister, of Mr. Hastings, for a single year. Upon the arrival of this intelligence in India, an attempt was made by some mutual friends of Mr. Hastings and Mr. Francis, to deliver the government, at a period of difficulty and danger, from the effects of their discordance. Both parties acknowledged the demand which the present exigency presented for a vigorous and united administration; and both professed a desire to make any sacrifice of personal feelings, and personal interests, for the attainment of so important an object. On the part of Mr. Francis it was stipulated that Mahomed Reza Khan, Mr. Bristow, and Mr. Fowke, should be re-instated in conformity to the Company's orders; and, on the part of Mr. Hastings, that

* For the transactions relative to the Mahratta war, the materials are found in the Sixth Report of the Committee of Secrecy in 1781, and the vast mass of documents printed in its Appendix; the twentieth article of the Parliamentary Charges against Hastings, and his answer; the Papers printed for the use of the House of Commons on the Impeachment; and the Minutes of Evidence on the Trial of Mr. Hastings. The number of publications of the day, which on this, and other parts of the History of Mr. Hastings' Administration, have been consulted, some with more, some with less, advantage, are far too numerous to mention.

1780.

Book V. the Mahratta war, the responsibility of which Mr. Francis had disclaimed, and thrown personally on the Governor-General, should be conducted in conformity with his conceptions and plans. It was this part of the agreement which Mr. Hastings accused his opponent of violating; and of depriving him, by a treacherous promise of co-operation, which induced Mr. Barwell to depart for Europe, of that authority which the vote of Mr. Barwell ensured. Mr. Francis, on the other hand, solemnly declared, that he "never was party to the engagement stated by Mr. Hastings, or had a thought of being bound by it." His agreement with regard to the Mahratta war he explained as extending only to the operations then commenced on the Malabar coast, but not to fresh operations on another part of the Mahratta dominions. Mr. Hastings produced á paper, containing the following words, "Mr. Francis will not oppose any measures which the Governor-General shall recommend for the prosecution of the war in which we are supposed to be engaged with the Mahrattas, or for the general support of the present political system of his government." To the terms of this agreement, presented to Mr. Francis in writing, he affirmed that Mr. Francis gave his full and deliberate consent. The reply of Mr. Francis was in the following words; " In one of our conversations in February last, Mr. Hastings desired me to read a paper of memorandums, among which I presume this article was inserted. I returned it to him the moment I had read it, with a declaration that I did not agree to it, or hold myself bound by the contents of it, or to that effect." Mr. Francis added some reasonings, drawn from the natural presumptions of the case. But these reasonings and presumptions had little tendency to strengthen the evidence of his personal assertion; the ground, between him and his antagonist, on which this question seems finally to rest, With the utmost earnestness Mr. Hastings repeated the affirmation of the terms on which Mr. Francis declared his assent; and at this point the verbal contro versy between them closed. Soon after, a duel ensued between Mr. Hastings and Mr. Francis, in which the latter was wounded; and on the 9th of December that gentleman quitted India, and returned to Europe.*

Mr. Francis departs for Europe.

Sixth Report of the Committee of Secrecy, 1781, p. 98, and Appendix, No. 288; also Fifth Report of the Select Committee, 1781, p. 14, 18, 30; Memoirs of the late War in Asia, i. 301, &c.

CHAP. IV.

In Carnatic, Relations between the English and Nabob-Plenipotentiary, with independent Powers from the King-English courted by Hyder Ali and the Mahrattas, and in Danger from both-Nabob and Plenipotentiary desire Alliance with the Mahrattas-Presidency adhere to NeutralityRelations with the King of Tanjore-After Hesitation, War is made upon him-War upon the Marawars-A second War upon TanjoreCondemned by the Directors-Pigot sent out to restore the Rajah— Opposition in the Madras Council-Pigot imprisoned-Sentiments and Measures adopted in England-Committee of Circuit-Suspended by Governor Rumbold, who summons the Zemindars to Madras-Transactions with Nizam Ali respecting Guntoor-Censured by the Snpreme CouncilGovernor Rumbold, and other Members of the Government, condemned and punished by the Court of Directors.

WHILE the principal station of the Company's power in India was giving CHAP. IV. birth to so many important transactions, their Presidency on the Coromandel coast was not barren of incidents entitled to a great share of our regard.

1770.

The relation, in which the Company professed to stand to the country, was Relations between the Engdifferent in Carnatic, and in Bengal. By the avowed possession of the duannee, lish and Nathey entered in Bengal into the direct discharge of the principal functions of bob. internal government. In Carnatic, during the contest with the French, they had held up Mahomed Ali; upon the termination of it, they had acknowledged him, as the undoubted sovereign of the country. He was established, therefore, in the possession of both branches of power, both that of Nazim, or the military power, and that of Duan, or the financial power: and the Company held the station of dependents; possessing their privileges through his sufferance, and owing obedience to his throne. They possessed a grant of land, surrounding Madras, which had been obtained in 1750, and in 1762 confirmed by the Nabob of Carnatic or Arcot, in recompense of the services rendered by the Company to him and his family. This was a sort of estate in land, under what is called jaghire tenure, enabling the owner to draw the revenue, which would otherwise accrue to government; and to exercise all those powers which in India are