other peoples of India, the Saporogian Cossacks, certain Chinese communities, the Berberts of Sahara, and various other African tribes. Among the Buntar-the highest rank of Sudras in Tulava-a man's children are not his heirs. During his lifetime he may give them money; but all of which he dies. possessed, goes to his sisters and to their children.*

When a rich man died in Guinea, his property descended to his sister's son. Battel says the town of Loango was governed by four chiefs, the sons of the king's sister, for king's sons never became kings. Quatremère relates that, "Chez les Nubiens, dit Abon Selah, lorsqu'un roi vient à mourir et qu'il laisse un fils et un neveu du coté de sa sœur, celui-ci monte sur le trône de préférence à l'héritier naturel." +

The prevalence of this system tended to make the exogamous tribes heterogeneous. The system of capture made the mothers foreigners, and hence their children, being related only to the mother, became foreigners also. This may have produced the system of intertribal marriage, members accounted of different tribes appearing within the limits of each group, and being considered capable of marriage with each other. Thus, endogamy may have gradually arisen from exogamy, and a system of betrothal, and of true, ceremonial, individual marriage have gradually arisen.

From this state of things, in time arose the recognition of the paternal relationship. This system of separate marriage had its strange forms, as well as the former systems noticed. One of the most peculiar of these is that of the Reddies of Southern India. A girl of sixteen or twenty is married to a boy of five or six, but lives with an adult, perhaps a maternal uncle or cousin, but not with a relative of the father. When the young husband grows up, he calls her children his; but, from her being now much older than he is, he, in his turn, takes up with some other boy's wife. The recognition of

• Buchanan's Journey from Madras, vol iii, p 16.

Geogr. sur l'Egypte, etc.

Shortt, Trans. Ethn. Soc., new series, vol vii, p 194.

the paternal relationship must have followed eventually from the growth of individual marriages, and the occupancy of separate dwellings by each family.

The polyandry, in which all the husbands were brothers, would establish the certainty of the children being of their own blood. In time the eldest brother became considered, by a species of fiction, the father of all the children; the mother was deposed from the headship of the family, and kinship became established in the paternal line. The elder brother became a sort of paterfamilias, the right of succession being in the younger brothers in their order, and, after them, in the eldest son. Thus, the idea of fatherhood grew up through the Thibetan system of polyandry. In most races, though, as the sexes became more evenly balanced, through progress towards civilization, the system of monogamy or of polygamy would arise. Paternity thus becoming certain, the practice of sons succeeding, as heirs direct to their father's estates, would arise, and, as this idea of paternal kinship arose, that of maternal relationship would die away. *

The former habit of capture had given rise to the idea of property in wives. In later systems, where the wife was obtained by some form of purchase from her father, she was still considered her husband's property, and it is easy to see how a restriction arose against inheritance of property through her. But the right of inheritance grew to be the test of kinship; and thus, through slow stages, arose the system of agnation, or kinship through males only.

Our family system, in which the child is equally related to both its parents, appears at first sight the only natural one,. but it is only so in connection with our marriage system, there being sufficient reason to conclude, as we have seen, that the child is first related to the family group only, then to the mother, and not to the father; afterward to the father, and not to the mother; and, only as a final result of civilization, becomes related to both.

• Primitive Marriage, p 247.

Yet, simple as this growth of the idea of paternal relationship seems, and simpler as it would appear had we more space to reason it out, it has appeared to some writers a mystery only to be explained by a highly metaphysical theory.

Thus, Bachofen, after giving his views of the original state of Hetairism, and of the feminine rebellion to which he ascribes female kinship (as we have already described), proceeds to consider a third stage, in which what he considers the etherial influence of fatherhood prevailed over the more material idea of motherhood, resulting in men claiming political pre-eminence, and the rights of property and descent in the male line. Besides this, sun-worship followed moon-worship, and many other changes of a similar nature took place. The first stage he considers as a condition of lawlessness; the second, one of materiality; the third, one of spirituality. He regards the recognition of the paternal relationship as a liberation of the spirit from the deceptive appearances of nature, and a recognition of the superior importance of the creative power, producing a subordination of the material to the spir itual part of our nature. By this step, he says, "Man durchbricht die Banden des Tellurismus und urhebt seinen Blick zu den höhern Regionen des Kosmos."

M. Girard Teulon considers the first recognition of the paternal relationship as an instance of noble self-devotion in some genius of the early human race.†

From these same causes may have arisen the system of caste in some cases, there growing up within the limits of a tribe families accounted as belonging to other tribes. Such local divisions growing numerous, and some of them, through success in war, attaining a pre-eminence over the balance of the nation, may have established a system of intermarriage with each

Das Mutterrecht, p. 17.

"Le premier qui consentit à se reconnaitre père fut un homme de génie et de cœur, un des grands bienfaiteurs de l'humanité. Preuve, en effet, que l'enfant l'appartient. Es-tu sûr qu'il est un autre toi-même, ton fruit? que tu l'as enfanté? ou bien, à l'aide d'une généreuse et volontaire crédulité, marches-tu, noble inventeur, à la conquête d'un but supérieur."La Mère chez certains Peuples de l'Antiquité.

other, and have forbidden marriage with the remainder of the nation. A continuance of such a relation would produce a separate caste, and might lead to the whole nation being divided off into a series of castes, each distinctly separated from the others and confined within prescribed limits. In other cases, caste may have arisen through the pride of a conquering tribe, that forbade marriage with the conquered. race, and fixed strict limits to their intercourse. In whichever way this principle of caste grew up, the members of each division might in time grow to consider themselves one kindred, and as descended from a common ancestor, their marriage thus becoming strictly endogamous. This is another of the reasons which induces us to consider exogamy as the more archaic form of the two. From the feeling of relationship thus originated may have grown up the law of blood-feud, which, binding each member of the tribe to avenge the death of any other member, may have had a powerful influence in suppressing infanticide.

This law of blood-feud exists everywhere, so far as we know, among rude races, and could only have arisen from the idea of kindred. It makes it a religious obligation for all persons to avenge the death of a relative. This protection, at first, extended only to adults; in time, came to include infants. And, as the system of female kinship often gave the child a large body of relatives outside its own tribe, their obligation to avenge the death of kindred must have greatly mitigated, and in some cases have suppressed, the practice of infanticide. In this manner it tended to restore the balance of the sexes and limit the system of polyandry. When, however, the idea of male kinship arose, all the kindred became included within the group, and there were no exterior avengers to consider. In such cases infanticide may have again arisen, and it is a curious fact that the most striking instances of it occur in such groups. *

The various facts we have given are not at all in accord

• Prim. Marriage, p. 264.

ance with the idea of marriage as entertained by Mr. Maine, and other writers In their view the family, under the father's government, was considered the primary unit, containing the germs of the state and of royalty. The family gathers other families about it, becoming the centre of a group, and these groups, tracing back their descent to a common origin, aggregate into tribes and nations. Tribes are numerous which make this claim to common descent. But, upon inquiry, the ancestor of the race is always a legendary hero or god-a being invented to explain the origin of the tribe. In some cases the time of the invention is known, as with the Greek tribes which traced their descent to the sons of Helen.

But the point of this theory is, that it considers man's history to open with perfect marriage and the full recognition of male kinship. On the contrary, we have seen that the tribal group was the original form of communities; that afterward arose local divisions distinguished by a common name, and by the idea of community of descent. Hence arose the clan, gens, or house, a feature occurring everywhere in early tribes, and marked in the tribal systems of India, Greece, and Rome. This system arose under the influence of female kinship; and not until a greater kinship arose, and the father became considered the true head of the household, was there any full development of the family system. Thus the family came last, instead of first, in the order of development. The tribe stands first, the gens second, and the family last, in the progress of society.

It was not until after all these gradual steps of progress had been made, that the marriage system, as at present constituted, began to appear, in which father and mother are equally related to the children, are of equal authority in the household, and in which not only the customs, but even the symbols of the ancient domestic slavery have disappeared, or are disappearing.

There are several other peculiar customs widely in vogue