adversaries I have met with, and how stu- | baronet, lord of the manor and place where diously they have, under the authority of both Church and State, dispersed the most villanous slanders of me, will think it necessary that I in this follow the French fashion, and write my own Memoirs, that it may appear to the world on what ground or motives they came to be my enemies, and with what truth and justice they have prosecuted their quarrel; and if in this whole narration they find me false or partial in any particular, I give up the whole to whatever censure they will make.' Such is the commencement of a meditated autobiography, which breaks off abruptly at the most interesting point; just when my life is not without great mixtures of the public concern, and must be much intermingled with the history of the times.' This fragment, however, is valuable as an illustration of the period and the writer. In describing or (to use his own expression) 'setting down his youthful time-including the particulars of his birth, family, and education-he incidentally throws light on national manners; whilst his sketches of contemporaries are remarkable for fineness of perception, firmness of touch, rich racy expression, and vitality. One of them, that of Mr. Hastings, son, brother, and uncle to the Earls of Huntingdon,' (often reprinted) has won a place in popular literature by these qualities. There is another autobiographical fragment, which skims over parts of his early life in a more cursory fashion; there is also extant a Diary for four years and a half of his middle life; but little more than bare well-known facts are to be collected from these documents; which occupy less time than thirty pages of Mr. Christie's Appendix, and afford little aid when we come to the vexed questions or debateable ground. It is just possible that, on approaching this same ground, Shaftesbury paused and thought better of it, or that the maxim, attributed to an eighteenth-century diarist, occurred to him: Whenever you have made a good impression, go away.' The Fragments leave a decidedly favourable impression, which their completion or continuation might have disturbed. 6 'My birth (he states) was at Wimborn St. Gyles in the County of Dorsett, on the 22nd day of July, 1621, early in the morning; my parents on both sides of a noble stock, being of the first rank of gentry in those countries where they lived.' It appears from this and other passages that the term 'noble' was then used in England, as it is still used on the Continent, to designate merely ancient lineage or good birth. My mother's name (he continues) was Anne, the sole daughter and heir of Sir Anthony Ashley, knight and I was born; my father, Sir John Cooper, knight and baronet, son of Sir John Cooper, of Rockborn in the county of Hamshyre. I was christened by the name of Anthony Ashley, for, notwithstanding my grandfather had articled with my father and his guardians that he should change his name to Ashley, yet, to make all sure in the eldest, he resolved to add his name, so that it should not be parted with.' Clarendon has recorded that many of the great men who took part in the Civil War were little men. An accurate notion of Shaftesbury's bodily proportions is conveyed by Dryden's nervous couplet : 'A fiery soul, which working out its way, Fretted the pigmy body to decay, And o'er-informed the tenement of clay.' He took after his mother and maternal 6 grandfather in these respects. Sir Anthony Ashley was of great age, but of strong sense and health; he had been for wisdom, courage, experience, skill in weapon, agility, and strength of body scarce paralleled in his age, of a large mind in all his actions, his person of the lowest. His daughter was of the same stature, a modest and virtuous woman, of a weaker mould, and not so stirring a mind as her father. Sir John Cooper was very lovely and graceful both in face and person, of a moderate stature, neither too high nor too low, of an easy and an affable nature, fair and just in all affairs.' Sir Anthony Ashley, when nearly fourscore, had taken to wife a young lady under twenty, near of kin to the Duke of Buckingham, from whom he expected great preferment, and, from her, children; but he failed of his expectation in the first, and his age, with the virtue of the young lady, could not help him to the latter.' He accordingly settled all his fortune on his son-in-law and daughter for their lives, with remainder in fee to Shaftesbury, 'for he grew every day more and more fond of me, being a prating boy and very observant of him.' Sir Anthony died in 1627, and Lady Cooper (the mother) in 1628, whereupon Sir John Cooper (the father) took for his second wife the widow of Sir Charles Moryson, and daughter and coheir of the Lord Viscount Camden, a lady beautiful and of great fortune, a discreet woman of a large soul, who, if she had not given some jealousy to both her husbands, and confirmed it afterwards by marrying the person (Sir Richard Alford), mought (sic) have been numbered amongst the excellent.' This marriage caused the removal of the family to Cashiobury, the jointure house of the lady, where Sir John died, in March, 1630, Shaftesbury being thus left an orphan in his sitting with his hat over his eyes, and having heard Sir Francis make a long and elegant speech for the overthrowing of my deed, said openly, "Sir Francis, you have spoke like a good uncle." Mr. Attorney Noy argued for then present in court), before he could speak me, and my uncle rising up to reply (I being two words, he was taken with a sudden convulsion fit, his mouth drawn to his ear, was carried out of the court, and never spoke more.' It is the remark of Gibbon that every man who rises above the common level has reWithout going quite the length of the ceived two educations: the first from his Reverend Mr. Thwackum in the doctrine of teachers; the second, more personal and im- judgments, we call on all wicked uncles to portant, from himself. Shaftesbury may be take warning from this catastrophe. Shaftescited in confirmation of this theory, and he bury's career at the University was no less is also a striking instance of the precocity typical of the coming man than that of Nawhich occurs, or at all events is made pro-poleon making snowball ramparts and directminent, so much more frequently in preceding mimic sieges at Brienne. We see the ing generations than in our own. This is restless, scheming, turbulent politician as pre-eminently the age of septuagenarian, al- clearly as the nascent strategist in the bud. The mode in which he set about obtaining most octogenarian, statesmen and generals; but we can influence, and the uses he made of it, are no longer boast of youthful orators, ministers, heroes, and conquerors, equally characteristic. like Fox, Pitt, Condé, and Napoleon; nor of men of mark marrying, settling, and taking up a distinguished position, public or private, in their teens. Shaftesbury was under eighteen when he married, under nineteen when he took his seat in the House of Commons, and hardly thirteen when he intervened personally in the management of his property, sadly mismanaged by his guardians, and succeeded in wresting a large slice from the grasp of an uncle who had hoped to plunder him through the connivance of the Court of Wards. This uncle, Sir Francis Ashley, was a formidable antagonist, being the King's serjeant-at-law, and one of more elocution, learning, and abilitie, than gratitude or piety to his elder brother's family.' The main point in question was whether a deed of settlement took the estate out of wardship: 'I kept both horses and servants in Oxford, and was allowed what expense or recreation ĺ desired, which liberty I never much abused; but it gave me the opportunity of obliging by entertainments the better sort and supporting divers of the activest of the lower rank with giving them leave to eat when in distress upon my expense, it being no small honour amongst those sort of men, that my name in the buttery book willingly owned twice the expense of any in the University. This expense, my quality, proficiency in learning, and natural affability easily not only obtained the good will of the wiser and older sort, but made me the leader even of all the rough young men of that college (Exeter), famous for the courage and shire gentlemen, which in great numbers yearly strength of tall, raw-boned Cornish and Devoncome to that college, and did then maintain in the schools coursing against Christ Church, the largest and most numerous college in the University.' 'Mr. Noy was then the King's Attorney, This coursing, he goes on to explain, was who, being a very intimate friend of my grand. in olden times intended for a fair trial of father's, had drawn that settlement; my friends learning and skill in logic, metaphysics, and advised that I was in great danger if he would school divinity, but for some generations the not undertake my cause, and yet, it being verbal disputations had uniformly ended in against the King, it was neither proper nor pro- affronts, confusion, and very often blows, bable he would meddle in it for me; but weigh-when they went most gravely to work,' ing the temper of the man, the kindness he had for my grandfather, and his honour so concerned if a deed of that consequence should fail of his drawing, they advised that I must be my own solicitor, and carry the deed myself alone to him, which, being but thirteen years old, I undertook and performed with that pertness that he told me he would defend my cause though he lost his place. I was at the Court, and he made good his word to the full without taking one penny fees. My Lord Cottington was then Master of the Wards, who, making a great noise with their feet, hissing and shoving with their shoulders, the stronger driving out the weaker, the proctors and occasionally the Vice-Chancellor being swept away with the throng. 'I was often one of the disputants, and gave the sign and order for their beginning, but, being not strong of body, was always guarded from violence by two or three of the sturdiest youths, as their chief, and one who always re lieved them when in prison and procured their release, and very often was forced to pay the neighbouring farmers, when they of our party that wanted money were taken in the fact, for more geese, turkeys, and poultry than either they had stole or he had lost, it being very dealing if he made the scholar, when taken, pay no more than he had lost since his last reimbursement.' Those who threw open the gates of the camp, 'some of the stoutest and strongest of our freshmen, giant-like boys, opened the door, let in as many as they pleased, and shut the door by main strength upon the rest. fair had been let in were beginning to rue their rashness, when Shaftesbury interposed and proposed to employ them as negotiators, some of them being considerable enough to make terms for us, which they did; for Dr. Prideaux, always favourable to youth offending out of courage, uniting with the fears of those we had within, gave us articles of pardon for what had passed and an utter abolition in that college of that foolish custom.' Shaftesbury records with manifest exultation that there were two other things in which he had a principal hand when he was at college: the one, I caused that ill custom of tucking freshmen to be left off; the other, when the senior fellows designed to alter the beer of the college, which was stronger than other colleges, I hindered their design.' Proceeding warily and knowingly, he effectually stopped the deterioration of the beer. His plan was this. The poorer undergraduates who were intended by their friends to get their livelihood by their studies were directed to rest quiet whilst all the others 'that were elder brothers, or unconcerned in their anger,' should go in a body and strike their names out of the buttery book; which was accordingly done and had the effect that the senior fellows, seeing their pupils going that yielded them most profit, presently struck sail and articled with us to alter the size of our beer, which remains so to this day.' The other, he tells us, was a harder work, tucking being a custom of great antiquity for the senior to call up the freshmen and make them hold out their chin, and they (the seniors) with the nail of the right thumb, left long for that purpose, grate off all the skin from the lip to the chin and then cause them to drink a beer-glass of water and salt.' The story of his marriage in his eighteenth year with a daughter of the Lord Keeper Coventry is told in the same quaint and pointed language. The young people took up their residence with the Lord Keeper at his town house, paying occasional visits to Dorsetshire, where Shaftesbury's main object was to keep up his county influence and mortify his principal rival, Mr. Rogers, ‘a near neighbour, of a noble family and estate, a proper handsome man, and indeed a very worthy noble gentleman, and one that thought so well of himself as gave him a value with others.' The principal scene of never action was a bowling-green at Hanley, where the gentlemen went constantly once a week, though neither the green nor accommodation were inviting, yet it was well placed for to continue the correspondence of the gentry of those parts.' Here he omitted no opportunity to show up Mr. Rogers, whose coach and six, garb, and discourse, 'all spoke him one that thought himelf above them, which, when observed to them, they easily agreed to. My family, alliance, fortune, being not prejudiced either by nature or education, gave me the juster grounds to take exceptions; besides, my affable, easy temper, now with care improved, rendered the stiffness of his demeanour more visible.' Although the only finished portrait in the Autobiography is the familiar one of Mr. Hastings, each of the leading gentry has a graphic sentence or two devoted to him, showing how carefully Shaftesbury studied character with the obvious view of preparing stepping-stones for his ambition. He had made up his mind not to undergo 'tucking,' and by a lucky chance the freshmen of his year were a strong body, physically and numerically strong, comprising more and lustier young gentlemen than had come to the college in several years before, who, on his prompting, cheerfully engaged to stand stoutly in defence of their chins,' They all appeared at the appointed evening in the hall,, and my Lord of Pembrook's son calling me first, as we knew by custom it would begin with me, I according to agreement gave the signal, striking him a box on the ear, and immediately the freshmen fell on, and we easily cleared the buttery and the hall, but bachelors and young masters coming in to assist the seniors, we were compelled to retreat to a ground chamber in the quadrangle.' In this extremity they appear to have turned their classical studies to good account. Like the two champions in the Eneid' who No reasonable reader complains of any number of egotistical confessions or revelations in a diary or autobiography. We like Pepys the better for his weaknesses, and we are amused by the self-complacency with which Lord Herbert of Cherbury expatiates on his own physical advantages, as when he says: 'It is well known to those that wait in my chamber that the shirts, waistcoats, and other garments I wear next my body are sweet beyond what either easily can be believed or hath been observed in any one else.' Shaftesbury is equally frank, and our wonder at the exertions of which so feeble a frame was capable is greatly enhanced at finding that he was a constant sufferer from disease: At the hunting I was taken with one of my usual fits, which for divers years had hardly missed me one day, which lasted for an hour, betwixt eleven and one, sometimes beginning earlier and sometimes later betwixt those times. It was a violent pain of my left side, that I was often forced to lie down wherever I was; at last it forced a working in my stomach, and I put up some spoonfuls of clear water, and I was well, if I may call that so, when I was never without a dull aching pain of that side. Yet this never abated the cheerfulness of my temper; but, when in the greatest fits, I hated pitying and loved merry company, and, as they told me, was myself very pleasant when the drops fell from my face for pain; but then my servant near me always desired they would not take notice of it, but continue their diversions, which was more acceptable to me; and I had always the women and young people about me at those times, who thought me acceptable to them, and peradventure the more admired me because they saw the visible symptoms of my pain, which caused in all others so contrary an effect.' This hunting took place near Tewkesbury, and the 'meet' was attended by the bailiffs and burgesses of that borough, who, being no hard riders,' dropped behind to keep the young baronet company; and a part of the discourse turned on 'an old knight in the field, a crafty, perverse, rich man, in power as being of the Queen's Privy Council, a bitter enemy of the town and Puritans as rather inclined to the Popish way.' At dinner, the same day, Shaftesbury was seated opposite Sir Harry Spiller, the old knight in question, who 'began with all the affronts and dislikes he could put on the bailiffs or their entertainment, which enraged and discontented them the more, it being in the face of the first gentlemen of the country, and when they resolved to appear in their best colours.' Here was one of the opportunities which Shaftesbury was ever ready and well qualified to seize. 'When the first course was near spent, and he continued his rough raillery, I thought it my duty, eating their bread, to defend their cause the best I could, which I did with so good success, not sparing the bitterest retorts I could make him, which his way in the world afforded matter for, that I had a perfect victory over him. This gained the townsmen's hearts, and their wives' to boot; I was made free of the town, and the next parliament, though absent, without a penny charge, was chosen Burgess by an unanimous vote.' The parliament for which he was thus elected was the Short Parliament, which met on the 13th of April and was dissolved on the 5th of May, 1640. There is no trace of his having spoken in it. The next parliament, which met on the 3rd November, 1640, was the Long Parliament. He was elected for Downton, but the validity of the return was left undecided, and he did not take his seat under it till shortly before the Restoration (Jan. 7, 1661), when the Long Parliament had sunk into contempt and derision as the 'Rump.' He consequently took no part in its early debates and most memorable proceedings, and was left comparatively free from the heat of civil conflict to choose his side. He became of age on the 22nd July, 1642, a month before the royal standard was set up at Nottingham; and he has entered in his Diary that he was with the King at Nottingham and Derby, but only as a spectator, having not as yet adhered against the Parliament.' Early in 1643, he had begun to play a prominent part: '1643. Sir Anthony left the ladies, and went into Dorsett to his house at St. Giles Wimborne, where he continued generally till, the Lord Marquess Hertford coming into the county, he was employed for the treating with the towns of Dorchester and Weymouth to surrender, the commission being directed to him, Napper, Hele, Ogle, which they effected, and Sir Anthony was by the gentlemen of the county desired to attend the King with their desires and the state of the county.' According to Martyn, partly confirmed by Locke, he sought an interview with the King at Oxford, and offered to undertake the general pacification of the realm, if the required powers were vested in him, at which His Majesty naturally demurred, saying, 'You are a young man, and talk great things.' According to the same authority, all Shaftesbury's plans were spoilt by Prince Maurice, and on Cooper's complaining to the King, it is said that "the King shook his head with some concern, but said little."' It is further stated that, after this first grand project was broken by Prince Maurice, Cooper started another, which was that the counties should all arm and endeavour to suppress both the contending armies; and that Cooper brought most of the sober and well-intentioned gentlemen of both sides throughout England into this plan. Most of this is pronounced by Mr. Christie to be downright falsehood; and its inherent absurdity is self-evident. To propose that the counties should all arm and endeavour to suppress both the contending armies, is very like proposing that the contending parties should combine to put down party. There is not the faintest allusion to any project of pacification, or interview with the King, in the Diary; from which we learn merely that Shaftesbury was made Governor of Weymouth and Portland by the Marquis of Hertford, and that, under a commission from the same nobleman, he raised a full regiment and a troop of horse at his own charge: 'Some months after this, Marquess Hertford's commission was taken away, yet Sir Anthony had a continuation of all his commands under the King's own hand, and he was made high sheriff of the county of Dorsett, and president of the council of war for those parts. 'Notwithstanding, he now plainly seeing the King's aim destructive to religion and the state, and though he had an assurance of the barony of Astley Castle, which had formerly belonged to that family, and that but two days before he received a letter from the King's own hand of large promises and thanks for his service, yet in February he delivered up all his commissions to Ashburneham, and privately came away to the Parliament, leaving all his estate in the King's quarters, 5001. a year full stocked, two houses well furnished, to the mercy of the enemy, resolving to cast himself on God and to follow the dictates of a good conscience. Yet he never in the least betrayed the King's service, but while he was with him was always faithful.' Such is Shaftesbury's account of his first change of sides, which Mr. Christie sees no reason to reject or qualify, considering that other persons of importance and unquestionable integrity left the King's party about the same time for similar reasons, and that the royal cause was just then in the ascendant in the western counties. Lord Campbell is less charitable, and follows Clarendon, who attributes the change to pique. Shaftesbury, he says, having been superseded in his governorship of Weymouth and otherwise crossed or slighted by Prince Maurice, he was thereby so much disobliged that ho quitted the King's party, and gave himself up, body and soul, to the service of the Parliament, with an implacable animosity against the royal cause.' It was not in Shaftesbury's nature to be lukewarm, and his zeal in every cause in which he chanced to be engaged is a sign of his good faith. Far from distrusting his assertion, that he never in the least betrayed the King's service whilst he was in it, his assailants give him credit for a chastity of honour and a scrupulous delicacy which we commend to public men in general, and especially to diplomatists. When examined by the Committee of the House of Commons, before whom new converts of consequence were brought, he absolutely refused to make any discovery, either of persons or the management of affairs, whilst he was at Oxford. In every part of his life he gov erned himself by this rule, that there is a general and tacit trust in conversation, whereby a man is obliged not to repeat anything to the speaker's prejudice, though no intimation may be given of a desire not to have it spoken again.'* Historians differ as to the degree of cordiality with which Shaftesbury was received by the Parliament. That he was at first rebe inferred from the circumstance, that he garded with some suspicion or distrust, may was unable to gain admittance to the House of Commons, and that some months, marked by active services, elapsed before he was allowed to compound by a moderate fine (5001.) for his estates. But he speedily made known his value both as a political partisan and a citizen soldier; for in less than a year (August, 1644) he received a commission to command a brigade of horse and foot, with the title of Field-MarshalGeneral; and with this force he besieged and reduced Wareham. In the October following being appointed Commander-in-Chief for the Parliament in Dorsetshire, he took the field with ten regiments of horse and foot, with which he stormed Abbotsbury, the fortified house of Sir John Strangways, garrisoned by a cavalier regiment, which, after a desperate defence, capitulated. An officer engaged in this affair writes, "When by no other means we could get it, we found a way by desperately flinging fired turffaggots into the windows, and the fight then grew so hot that our said Commanderin-Chief (who, to his perpetual renown, behaved most gallantly in this service) was forced to bring up his men within pistolshot of the house, and could hardly get them to stay and stand the brunt.' After clearing the surrounding country of royalist forces, he advanced to the relief of Taunton, where Blake was sorely pressed, and the siege was raised at his approach. In mere wantonness of depreciation, and without the semblance of authority, Lord Campbell says that he (Shaftesbury) wrote a flaming account of the exploit to the Parliament, taking greater credit to himself than Cromwell in his despatch announcing his victory at Dunbar.' The actual report, in the ix. p. 270. When examined by the Committee * Martyn, vol. i. p. 142. Locke's Works, vol. of the House of Commons appointed to inquire whether certain expressions had been used by Shiel at a dinner party, Sir Francis Burdett made answer, that his memory was so peculiarly constituted as to be unable to retain the slightest impression of anything that passed or was spoken at table. |
